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MICHAEUS*C<M 




In memory of 
*Trof. D.J. McDougai; 
1983 




s 



LUDLOW'S MEMOIRS 



C. H. FIRTH 



VOT,. II. 



JSonfcon 

HENRY FROWDE 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE 
AMEN CORNER, E.G. 



MACMlLLAN & CO., 66 FIFTH AVENUE 



THE MEMOIRS 



OF 



EDMUND LUDLOW 



LIEUTENANT-GENERAL OF THE HORSE 



ARMY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND 



EDITED WITH APPENDICES OF 
LETTERS AND ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 

BY 

C. H. FIRTH, M.A. 



IN TWO VOLUMES 
VOL. II 



AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
1894 



PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 

BY HORACE HART. PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 




CONTENTS OF VOL. II 



PAGE 

MEMOIRS ......... i 

APPENDICES : 

I. COLONEL NICHOLAS KEMPSON . . . 443 

II. LUDLOW'S COMMAND IN IRELAND, 1659-1660 446 

III. THE ARTICLES AGAINST LIEUT.-GEN. LUDLOW 464 

IV. A SOBER VINDICATION OF LIEUT. -GEN. LUDLOW 473 
V. THE ELECTION FOR HINDON. APRIL, 1660 . 477 

VI. LETTERS OF THE ENGLISH EXILES IN SWIT- 
ZERLAND 479 

VII. LUDLOW'S VISIT TO ENGLAND IN 1689 . . 509 

VIII. EPITAPHS OF THE REGICIDES AT VEVAY . 512 

IX. ON THE SITE OF LUDLOW'S HOUSE AT VEVAY 515 

INDEX 519 



ERRATA 

P. 239, 1. *<),for Sir Willian Lewis read Sir William Lewis, 
pp. 304, 313, notes. For the full titles of the tracts on the execution of the 
Regicides cited in these notes, see Introduction, p. Ixvii. 



MEMOIRS 



OF 



EDMUND LUDLOW, ESQ. 



THE design against the Spaniards in the West Indies 1656 
having been, as was before related, unsuccessful, it was 
resolved to send three thousand men from Scotland and 
Ireland to reinforce the party in Jamaica, which from twelve 
thousand men was now reduced to little more than three 
thousand. The officers of this reinforcement were to be 
of such as were accounted dissatisfied with the present 
posture of affairs, and therefore thought unfit to remain 
here. Amongst the officers of the Scots regiment was 
a lieutenant-colonel, I think it was Lieut.-Col. Brain, who 
some time before had been cashiered for his affection to 
the Commonwealth, which was now esteemed the common 
enemy. But not having gained by his faithful services any 
competent subsistence, as mercenary officers generally know 
how to do, he was driven to the necessity of accepting the 
command of that regiment. 

According to their instructions they set sail for the place 
of rendezvous, where they were to meet those forces that 
were ordered to join them from Ireland. But a violent 
storm arising in their passage, this colonel, with about three 

VOL. II. B 



2 CromwelFs alliance with France. 

1656 hundred men, was cast away, the rest being driven on the 
November, coast of Ireland 1 . 

Great endeavours were used in Ireland to perswade 
Lieut.-Col. Walker, an honest man and a good officer, to 
undertake the command of those forces that were ordered 
to be sent from thence ; but he perceiving the design, and 
being throughly sensible that this offer was not made to 
him from any affection to his person, or sense of his services, 
refused to bite at the bait, tho it was gilded as much as 
might be, by advancing a considerable sum, and satisfying 
the arrears of those that went out of the forfeited lands 
in such places as they should chuse. Upon his refusal, 
Major Moor accepted the imployment with the title of 
Colonel ; but on condition that after he had conducted the 
men to Jamaica, he should have liberty to return, which he 
did after many difficulties and hazards of his person 2 . 
Capt. Chester, a stout man, and one who at a general 
council of officers had openly expressed his discontent 
against the usurpation, was also perswaded to engage in 
this service, and lost his life in the expedition. 

Cromwel perceiving he could not compass his designs 
against Spain by his own power, entred into an alliance 
with the French, who by the treaty with him obliged 
themselves not to permit the sons of the late King to re- 
main in any part of France ; which article was punctually 
performed. For such is the mystery, or rather knavery of 
those governments that are framed to support an arbitrary 
power, that they will not scruple to sacrifice the best friends 
and nearest relations when they stand in the way of their 
designs. This confederacy was dearly purchased on our 
part ; for by it the balance of the two crowns of Spain and 

1 Lieut.-Col. Bramston and about cus, pp. 5049, 5165. Ludlow con- 

aoo soldiers were lost in the wreck of fuses him with Col. William Brayne, 

the ship ' Two Brothers 'off the coast who sailed about the same time for 

of Ireland. Thurloe, v. 558 ; Clarke Jamaica. Thurloe, v. 558, 668. 

MSS.xxviii. 109. Bramston had been a On Col. William Moore see 

implicated in what was known as Thurloe, v. 366, 474, 494 ; vi. 392. 

Overton's plot in Dec. 1654, and was His regiment was shipped for 

actually cashiered Mercurius. Politi- Jamaica in Oct. 1656. 



The oppressions of the Major-Generals. 3 

France was destroyed, and a foundation laid for the future 1656 
greatness of the French, to the unspeakable prejudice of all 
Europe in general, and of this nation in particular, whose 
interest it had been to that time accounted to maintain that 
equality as near as might be *. 

In the mean time the Major-Generals carried things with 
unheard of insolence in their several precincts, decimating 
to extremity whom they pleased, and interrupting jthe. 
proceedings at law upon petitions oFthose who pretended 
themselves aggrieved ; threatning such as would not yield 
a ready submission to their orders, with transportation to 
Jamaica or some other plantations in the West Indies ; and 
suffering none to escape their persecution, but those that 
would betray their own party, by discovering the persons 
that had acted with them or for them. And here I cannot 
omit to mention a farmer in Barkshire, who being demanded 
to pay his tenth, desired to know of the commissioners, in 
case he did so, what security he should have for the other 
nine parts : and answer being made that he should have 
Cromwel's order and theirs for the enjoyment of the rest ; 
he replied, ' that he had already an Act of Parliament for the 
whole, which he could not but think to be as good security 
as they could give. But,' said he, ' if goodman such a one,' 
and another whom he named of his neighbours, ' will give 
me their bond for it, I know what to say to such a proposal ; 
for if they break their agreement, I know where to right my 
self ; but these swordmen are too strong for me.' 

A squadron of our ships cruizing off the coast of Spain, 
met with and fought five ships returning thither from the Sept. 9. 
West Indies, which had on board a Spanish marquiss, who 

1 A list of the persons whose Guizot, ii. 562. The opinion stated 

expulsion from France was demanded as to the consequences of Cromwell's 

by Cromwell is given by Guizot, alliance with France is that generally 

Cromwell and the English Common- adopted by the politicians of the 

wealth, ii. 468. A treaty of Peace next half century. See Slingsby 

and Commerce between Cromwell Bethell's tract ' The World's Mistake 

and Louis XIV was finally signed on in Oliver Cromwell,' and Boling- 

Oct. 24, 1655, followed in May, 1657, broke's 'Letters on the Study of 

by an offensive and defensive alliance. History.' 
For the text of the second treaty see 

B 2 



4 The battle of Dunkirk. 

1656 with his family and great wealth acquired in his government 
there, was coming back to Spain. The Spaniards defended 
themselves as well as they could ; but the marquiss thinking 
it impossible to escape, set fire to the ship wherein he was, 
and with most of his family was burnt in her. Of the other 
four one was sunk in the fight, another made her escape, 
and two were taken, on board of one of which was the son 
of the said marquiss 1 . It was reported that in the two 
ships taken there was found about three millions in bullion, 
which was brought in triumph by carts from Portsmouth to 
London, in order to be coined at the Tower. 

The siege of Dunkirk being undertaken by the French, 
their confederate Cromwel sent a body of men, in number 
about six thousand, for the most part foot, to tHeir assistance. 
The Cavalier party under the Duke of York joined them- 
selves to the Spaniards, who endeavoured with an army to 
relieve the place ; and having sent a party to possess 

1658 themselves of a sand-hill, so galled the English from 
June 3. thence, that they resolved, if possible, to remove them 
from that post. The ground was so deep and loose, that 
they could not without extreme difficulty march up the 
hill ; yet at last they effected it, and having put the 
Spaniards to flight, pursued them to their main body: 
but having engaged themselves too far, and being over- 
powered by great numbers of horse and foot, (the French 
leaving the whole stress of the fight upon them) they were 
in danger of being entirely cut off; which being perceived 
by Major-General Drummond, a Scots officer who served 
with the English as a volunteer, he rode up to the French 
horse, and by reproaching them with treachery and negli- 
gence, procured a party of horse to be sent to their succour a . 

1 See the letter of Captain Richard 2 On the battle of Dunkirk see 

Stayner to Admirals Blake and Mon- Thurloe, vii. 155-160. Col. Drum- 

tague, Mercurius Politicus, p. 7290; mond was mortally wounded; ib. 

Thurloe, v. 399, 433. This is the pp. 174, 216. The story of the 

capture celebrated in Waller's poem English Campaign in Flanders is 

' Of a war with Spain and Fight at treated at length in Waylen's House 

Sea by General Montague in the year of Cromwell, 1880, and in Bourelly's 

1656.' Deux campagnes de Turenne, 1886. 



Cromwell and Lord Brogkil. 5 

Upon the arrival of this seasonable relief, the English took 1658 
fresh courage, renewed their attack, and killed a great 
number of the enemy ; many of those that were killed 
on the enemy's side were English and Irish that fought 
under the Duke of York. And as it was confessed by 
all present, that the English who took part with the French, 
behaved themselves with more bravery than any in the 
field that day ; so it was observed, that those of the Cavalier 
party who had joined with the Spaniards, behaved them- 
selves worst. Soon after this battle the town of Dunkirk 
was surrendered to the French, and delivered into the hands 
of the English, as it had been agreed between Cromwel and 
Cardinal Mazarine. 

It being thought fit to fortify divers places of importance 
in Scotland, Cromwel appointed a considerable sum of 
money to be expended on the works of Ayre, Dundee, 
Leith, St. Johns-town, Sterling, &c., and had so balanced 
the several interests in his councils there, that tho Monk 
generally favoured the more loose and vitious party amongst 
the Scots, yet there were not wanting some who supported 
an honester sort of men, that were not willing to permit 
their King to return without conditions. The Lord Broghil 
had been of great use to moderate these two parties ; but 
being much afflicted with the gout, and the air of Scotland 
not agreeing with his distemper'd body, he desired Cromwel 
to grant him leave to return to Ireland, according to his 
promise, the year of his residence in Scotland being now 
expired. Cromwel not willing to comply with his desires 
in this particular, dispatched instructions to his son Henry 
in Ireland by all means to procure a petition from the dis- 
contented party, against the Lord Broghil's return thither. 
To this end Sir Hardress Waller suspecting that the 
presence of this lord might eclipse his greatness, became 
an earnest solicitor to Adjutant-General Allen, and Quarter- 
master General Vernon, to join in a petition to that effect. 
But they perceiving the design, not only refused so to do, 
but plainly told him that they were ready to join in a petition 
for his coming, it being impossible to be worse with them 



6 Harrison released from prison. 

1656 than now it was. This discourse being reported to Col. 
Henry Cromwel with an insinuation, that it was to be 
suspected that there was some design carrying on by the 
Lord Broghil and the dissatisfied party in Ireland, he sent 
an account of it to his father, and desired that he would not 
by any means permit him to return thither \ 

Divers conspiracies that had been formed against the 
Government of the usurper being already defeated, and 
the authors of them for the most part punished, he was 
prevailed with to permit Major-General Harrison and 
Mr. Carew, whom he had sent to remote confinements, to 
be prisoners at their own habitations ; and accordingly he 
ordered Major Strange to go to Carisbrook Castle, and 
to bring the Major-General from thence to his house at 
Highgate 2 : where when I was acquainted with his arrival, 
I went to make him a visit, and having told him that I was 
very desirous to be informed by him of the reasons that 
moved him to join with Cromwel in the interruption of the 
civil authority 3 ; he answered that he had done it, ' because 
he was fully persuaded they had not a heart to do any more 
good for the Lord and his people V ' Then,' said I, ' are you 

1 On May 13, 1656, Broghil begged his father the Colonel was in, as 

leave to come to England ; in Aug. also his dear yoke-fellow so near 

he obtained leave, and went to Bath the time of her travail.' Life of John 

for the benefit of his gout. In Aug., Rogers, p. 277. 

1657, he returned to Ireland, coming 3 Thurloe wrote to Henry Crom- 
back to England in Nov. In April, well April 15, 1656, on the Ana- 

1658, he thought of retiring from baptists and fifth-monarchy men. 
public affairs altogether and retiring ' There are some few of these in 
permanently to Ireland, mainly on London. .. Those who reteyne these 
account of his bad health. There principles flocke to Harrison, who 
appears to be no foundation for continues at his father-in-lawe's 
Ludlow's story of the jealousy of house at Highgate, where he spares 
Henry Cromwell against Broghil. not to speak his mind freely to them 
Thurloe, v. 1 8, 326, 665 ; ^.468,622; who come to visit hym, which 
vii. 58. I doe not heare are many.' Thurloe, 

" ' Upon the 2oth of the first month iv. 698. 

1656, came Captain Lloyd and Major * ' Afterwards,' said Harrison in 

Strange, with an order from White- 1660, ' I was glad the thing was 

hall to remove Major-Gen. Harrison done, for I did see they did intend 

from us to Highgate to his own to perpetuate themselves, without 

house, a prisoner, under pretence of doing those desirable things which 

the very desperate danger of death were expected and longed for by the 



Ludlows controversy with Harrison. 7 

not now convinced of your error, in entertaining such 
thoughts, especially since it has been seen what use has 
been made of the usurped power ? ' To which he replied, 
' Upon their heads be the guilt, who have made a wrong use 
of it ; for my own part, my heart was upright and sincere 
in the thing.' I answered, 'that I conceived it not to be 
sufficient in matters of so great importance to mankind, 
to have only good intentions and designs, unless there 
be also probable means of attaining those ends by the 
methods we enter upon ; and tho it should be granted that 
the parliament was not inclined to make so full a reforma- 
tion of things amiss as might be desired, yet I could not 
doubt that they would have done as much good for us, as 
the nation was fitted to receive ; and therefore that extra- 
ordinary means ought not to have been used, till it had 
been clearly evident that the ordinary had failed, especially 
since it could not but be manifest to every man, who 
observed the state of our affairs, that upon the suppression 
of the civil authority, the power would immediately 
devolve upon that person who had the greatest interest 
in the army.' His second reason for joining with Cromwel 
was, because he pretended to own and favour a sort of 
men, who acted upon higher principles than those of civil 
liberty. I replied, that I thought him mistaken in that 
also, since it had not appeared that he ever approved of 
any persons or things farther than he might make them 
subservient to his own ambitious designs ; reminding him 
that the generality of the people that had engag'd with us 
having acted upon no higher principles than those of civil 
liberty, and that they might be governed by their own 
consent, it could not be just to treat them in another 
manner upon any pretences whatsoever. The Major- 
General then cited a passage of the prophet Daniel, where 
'tis said, ' That the saints shall take the kingdom and 
possess it.' To which he added another to the same effect, 

Lord's people ; and apprehending to come upon the stage.' Collection 
that God had done his work by them, of Lives and Speeches of those 
and that he had some worthy persons persons lately executed, 1661, p. 10. 



8 Ludlow on the Fifth Monarchy. 

1656 'That the kingdom shall not be left to another people.' 
I answered, that the same prophet says in another place, 
'That the kingdom shall be given to the people of the 
saints of the most High.' And that I conceived, if they 
should presume to take it before it was given, they would 
at the best be guilty of doing evil, that good might come 
from it : for to deprive those of their right in the Govern- 
ment, who had contended for it equally with our selves, 
were to do as we would not that others should do to us : 
that such proceedings are not only unjust, but also im- 
practicable, at least for the present ; because we cannot 
perceive that the saints are clothed with such a spirit, as 
those are required to be to whom the kingdom is promised ; 
and therefore we may easily be deceived in judging who 
are fit for Government, for many have taken upon them 
the form of saintship, that they might be admitted to it, 
who yet have not acted sutably to their pretensions in the 
sight of God or men : for proof of which we need go no 
further than to those very persons who had drawn him to 
assist them in their design of exalting themselves, under 
the specious pretence of advancing the kingdom of Christ. 
He confessed himself not able to answer the arguments 
I had used ; yet said, ' he was not convinced that the texts 
of Scripture quoted by him were not to be interpreted 
in the sense he had taken them,' and therefore desired 
a farther conference with me at another time, when each 
of us might be accompanied with some friends to assist us 
in the clearing of this matter. I consented to his proposal, 
and so we parted ; but from that time forward we had not 
an opportunity to discourse farther upon this subject. 

About the same time Mr. Peters, who still kept fair with 
those at Whitehall, made me a visit ; and in our con- 
versation about the public affairs I freely told him my 
opinion concerning the actions of Cromwel, endeavouring 
to make him sensible not only of his injustice, but great 
imprudence, thus to sacrifice the common cause to his 
ambition, and by every step he had lately taken to 
strengthen the hands of the common enemy, whereby he 



He discusses Cromwell with Peters. 9 

would undoubtedly open a way for the return of the family 1656 
of the late king, who would not fail to do all that revenge 
could inspire them with : whereas if he had made use of 
his power to establish the just liberties of the nation, or 
could yet be perswaded so to do, he might live more 
honoured and esteemed, have the pleasure and satisfaction 
arising from so generous an action when he died, and leave 
his own family, together with the whole body of the people, 
in a most happy and flourishing condition. He confessed 
that what I had said was most true, but added, that there 
was not a man about him who had courage enough to tell 
him so : that for his part he had observed him immediately 
after the victory at Worcester to be so elevated, that he 
then began to fear what was since come to pass ; and that 
he told a friend with whom he then quartered in his return 
to London, that he was inclined to believe Cromwel would 
endeavour to make himself king. 

The usurper having governed as he thought long enough 
by virtue of the Instrument of Government, which tho 
drawn up by himself and his creatures, was now thought to 
lay too great a restraint upon his ambitious spirit ; and 
resolving to rest satisfied with nothing less than the suc- 
cession of his family to the Crown, he attempted to make 
himself King. To this end he thought it necessary to call 
a Parliament 1 : and that he might engage the army to 
assist him in all parts to procure such men to be chosen 
as would be fit for his purpose, he pretended that this 
assembly was called only in order to raise money for the 
paiment of the army and fleet, to confirm the authority of 
the Major-Generals, and that of the Instrument of Govern- 
ment. By this means he obtained his desires in a great 
measure, especially in Scotland and Ireland, where all 
kinds of artifice, and in many places the most irregular 

1 The summoning of a new Parlia- ing officers of the Army, held in June 

ment seems to have been decided, 1656. See Thurloe, v. 54, 63, 122, 

and the subjects to be laid before it 175, 176; Ranke, History of Eng- 

determined, in an assembly of the land, iii. 167 ; Burton's Diary, i. 384 ; 

Protector's councillors and the lead- Cal. S. P., Dora., 1655-56, p. 209. 



io Ludlow, Bradshaw and Rich before the Council. 

1656 courses, were taken to get such men returned as were pro- 
posed by the court. But knowing the people of England 
not to be of so mercenary a spirit ; and that as they were 
better instructed in the principles of civil liberty, so they 
were not wanting in courage to assert it, he used his utmost 
endeavours to disable and incapacitate such men from 
being chosen, whom he thought most likely to obstruct his 
designs. In order to this he summoned the Lord President 

July Bradshaw, Sir Henry Vane, Col. Rich, and my self, to 
appear before him in Council : which we all did except Sir 
Henry Vane, who told the messenger he should be at his 
house at Charing-Cross on a certain day. Cromwel, as 

Aug. soon as he saw the Lord President, required him to take 
out a new commission for his office of Chief Justice of 
Chester, which he refused, alledging that he held that place 
by a grant from the Parliament of England to continue 
quamdiu se bene gesserit. And whether he had carried 
himself with that integrity which his commission exacted 
from him, he was ready to submit to a trial by twelve 
English men, to be chosen even by Cromwel himself. Col. 
Rich being pressed to give security not to act against the 
Government, and refusing so to do, was sent prisoner to 
Windsor Castle 1 . Then I drew near to the council-table, 
where Cromwel charged me with dispersing treasonable 
books in Ireland, and with endeavouring to render the 
officers of the army disaffected, by discoursing to them 
concerning new models of Government. I acknowledged 
that I had caused some papers to be dispersed in Ireland, 
but denied that they justly could be called treasonable. 
And tho I knew not that it was a crime to debate of the 
several forms of Government, yet that I had not done any 
thing of that nature lately to the best of my remembrance. 
He then said, that he was not ignorant of the many plots 

1 Aug. 14, 1656, Col. Nathaniel A curious letter from Rich to Fleet- 
Rich was ordered to be arrested and wood, written about this time, is 
conveyed to Windsor. On Oct. 14 printed in Thurloe, vi. 251. John 
he was ordered to be released and Carew and Hugh Courtney, im- 
confined to his own house at Eltham. prisoned since Feb. 1655, were also 
Cal. S. P., Dom., 1656-7, pp. 71, 130. released in Oct. 1656. 



Ludlow defines what he would have. 1 1 

that were on foot to disturb the present power, and that he 1656 
thought it his duty to secure such as he suspected. To 
this I replied, that there were two duties required by God 
of the magistrate, i. e. that he be "a terror to those that do 
evil, and a praise to such as do well ; and whether my 
actions were good or bad, I was ready to submit to a legal 
trial : that I was ignorant of any other way to secure the 
magistrate from being afraid of the people, or the people 
from the dread of the magistrate, unless both will do that 
which is just and good. ' You do well,' said he, ' to reflect on 
our fears ; yet I would have you know, that what I do, 
proceeds not from any motive of fear, but from a timely 
prudence to forsee and prevent danger : that had I done as 
I should, I ought to have secured you immediately upon 
your coming into England, or at least when you desired to 
be freed from the engagement you had given after your 
arrival ; and therefore I now require you to give assurance 
not to act against the Government.' I desired to be 
excused in that particular, reminding him of the reasons 
I had formerly given him for my refusal, adding, that I was 
in his power, and that he might use me as he thought fit. 
' Pray then,' said he, ' what is it that you would have ? May 
not every man be as good as he will? What can you 
desire more than you have ? ' 'It were easy,' said I, ' to tell 
what we would have.' ' What is that, I pray?' said he. ' That 
which we fought for,' said I, ' that the nation might be 
governed by its own consent.' ' I am,' said he, ' as much for 
a government by consent as any man ; but where shall we 
find that consent ? Amongst the Prelatical, Presbyterian, 
Independent, Anabaptist, or Leveling Parties ? ' I answered, 
' Amongst those of all sorts who had acted with fidelity and 
affection to the publick.' Then he fell into the commenda- 
tion of his own government, boasting of the protection and 
quiet which the people enjoyed under it, saying, that he 
was resolved to keep the nation from being imbrued in 
blood. I said that I was of opinion too much blood had 
been already shed, unless there were a better account of it. 
'You do well,' said he, ' to charge us with the guilt of blood ; 



1 2 The liberty of the subject. 

1656 but we think there is a good return for what hath been 
shed ; and we understand what clandestine correspondences 
are carrying on at this time between the Spaniard and those 
of your party, who make use of your name, and affirm that 
you will own them and assist them.' ' I know not,' said 
I, ' what you mean by my party, and can truly say, that if 
any men have entred into an engagement with Spain, they 
have had no advice from me so to do, and that if they will 
use my name I cannot help it.' Then in a softer way he 
told me, that he desired not to put any more hardships on 
me than on himself ; that he had been always ready to do 
me all the good offices that lay in his power, and that he 
aimed at nothing by this proceeding, but the publick quiet 
and security. 'Truly, sir,' said I, ' I know not why you should 
be an enemy to me who have been faithful to you in all your 
difficulties.' ' I understand not,' said he, ' what you mean 
by my difficulties. I am sure they were not so properly 
mine as those of the publick ; for in respect to my outward 
condition I have not much improved it, as these gentlemen,' 
pointing to his Council, ' well know.' To which they seemed 
to assent, by rising from their chairs ; and therefore 
I thought not fit to insist farther on that point, contenting 
my self to say, that it was from that duty which I owed to 
the publick, whereof he expressed such a peculiar regard, 
that I durst not give the security he desired, because I con- 
ceived it to be against the liberty of the people, and 
contrary to the known law of England. For proof of this 
I produced an Act of Parliament for restraining the Council- 
table from imprisoning any of the free-born people of 
England ; and in case they should do so, requiring the 
Justices of the Upper Bench, upon the application of the 
aggrieved party, to grant his ' Habeas Corpus,' and to give 
him considerable damages. To this act I supposed he gave 
his free vote, assuring him, that for my own part I durst 
not do any thing that should tend to the violation of it. 
' But,' said he, ' did not the army and Council of State com- 
mit persons to prison ?' I answered, 'that the Council of State 
did so, but it was by virtue of an authority granted to them 



The power of the sword. 1 3 

by the Parliament ; and if the army had sometimes acted 1656 
in that manner, it had been in time of war, and then only 
in order to bring the persons secured to a legal trial ; 
whereas it is now pretended that we live in a time of peace, 
and are to be governed by the known laws of the land.' 
'A Justice of Peace,' said he, 'may commit, and shall not 
I? ' 'He is,' said I, 'a legal officer, and authorized by the law 
to do so, which you could not be, tho you were King ; 
because if you do wrong therein, no remedy can be had 
against you. Therefore if I have offended against the law, 
I desire to be referred to a Justice of the Peace, that I may 
be proceeded with according to law ; but if I have done 
nothing to deserve a restraint, that then I may have my 
liberty.' Whereupon being commanded to withdraw into 
a room next to the Council-Chamber, I heard Major- 
General Lambert to advise that I might be peremptorily 
required to give the security demanded. But Cromwel 
said, that the air of Ireland was goodj that I had a house 
there, and therefore he thought it best to send me thither. 
Immediately after Mr. Scobel, one of the clerks of the 
Council, came to me, and acquainted me, that I might 
return to my lodging ; where I had not been a quarter of 
an hour before Mr. Strickland, one of the Council, came to 
me, and pressed me earnestly to comply : but I told him, 
that having contended for the liberty of others, I was not 
willing to give away my own, and to be made a precedent 
to the prejudice of my country-men, because it was the 
pleasure of those that had the sword to have it so. 
Why.' said he, ' was it not the sword by which you kept 
Warder Castle, and by which you acted during the whole 
course of the late war ? ' ' I had,' said I/ ' the authority of the 
Parliament to justify me in so doing.' He answered, ' but 
they governed by the sword.' To which I replied, that 
indeed they made use of the sword to remove the obstruc- 
tions that were in the way of the civil Government, and 
exercised that power to vindicate and establish the law of 
the land ; and that I was heartily sorry to see one who had 
been so forward in the cause of the publick, not to discern 



14 Ludlow refuses to give security. 

1656 any difference between a sword in the hands of a' Parlia- 
ment to restore the people to their antient rights, and 

Aug. i. a sword in the hands of a tyrant to rob and despoil 
them thereof. Here our discourse was interrupted by a 
messenger who came from the Council with an order from 
them, to require me to give the security of five thousand 
pounds within three days after the date of the order, not to 
do anything prejudicial to the present government; and 
in case of failure, to be taken into custody. Upon the 
receipt of it I told the messenger, that having no power to 

Aug. 6. resist, I must submit to their pleasure J . A day or two 
after the expiration of the time limited by the order for 
giving the demanded security, which I had not done, 
Serjeant Dendy came to me with another from the Council, 
signed by Henry Lawrence, president, requiring and author- 
izing him to take me into custody. Having shewn me the 
order, he desired me to make choice of a chamber ; but 
after some discourse with my near relations, who were then 
present, he was contented to let me remain at my lodgings. 
So having promised to return in a day or two, and in the 
mean time to advise with Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, 
he went away. The next day Cromwel diverting himself 
with hunting at Hampton-Court, asked my brother Thomas 
Ludlow, who was in the company, if he were not angry 
with him for committing me ? And my brother answering, 
that it was not fit for him to judg concerning his actions : 
he thereupon assured him, that he wished me as well as 
any of his own children : that his desiring me to give 
security for my carriage to the government, was designed 
by him as well for my good as for his own security, and 

1 The proceedings of the Council and stand committed. Aug. 6. 

of State contain the following orders Warrant to Serj. Dendy that as Col. 

respecting Ludlow : Aug. i, 1656. Ludlow has not given security 

If Col. Ludlow do not between now according to the purport of his 

and next Tuesday give security Highness and Council's order of 

before the Clerk of the Council, with Aug. i, you are to take him and keep 

sufficient sureties in .5000, to do him in safe custody till you receive 

nothing prejudicial to the Common- further order. Cal. S. P., Dom., 

wealth, he shall be taken into custody 1656 -7, pp. 50, 59. 



He is allowed to remain at large. 15 

that he would have him to engage for me ; to which he 1656 
most readily consented. The morning following my brother 
came to me, and having acquainted me with what had 
passed between Cromwel and himself, I gave him thanks 
for his kind offer, but withal told him, that I would by no 
means desire that of him which I was not willing to do my 
self. Besides I told him, that should it be granted that the 
thing were fit for him to do, yet it might prove a snare to 
him, and lay an obligation upon him to gratify the usurper 
in another way. However after this discourse of Cromwel 
to my brother, and the conference of my relations with 
Serjeant Dendy, I ventured to accompany my father and 
mother Oldsworth, with my wife, into Essex, where we 
spent the remaining part of that summer. My stay there 
did in some measure answer the design of Cromwel, which 
was to keep me out of my own country, where he doubted 
I might obstruct the election of such persons as the Court 
had resolved by all methods to procure to be returned. 
But there was no need to fear my intermedling in that 
particular at such a time ; and if I had, it should have been 
only to give a publick testimony against any election at 
all, the Long Parliament being still in being, tho under i 
a present force. Besides, it was manifest that the designed 
assembly was to be called for no other end than to 
strengthen the sword, and to advance the corrupt interest of 
him that called them together ; and if it should happen that 
they had either the courage or honesty to attempt any thing 
for the service of the publick, I was assured their endeavours 
would be rendred fruitless by a sudden dissipation. 

Sir Henry Vane, according to his promise, being come to 
his house near Charing-Cross, the Council sent a messenger 
thither to require him to attend them, which he did, and 
was there charged by Cromwel with disaffection to the Aug. ai. 
government, which he had demonstrated by a late writing 
published by him, with a seditious intention. The paper 
was called ' A Healing Question proposed and resolved,' and 
contained the state of our controversy with the King, the 
present deviation from that cause for which we engaged, 



1 6 Sir Henry Vane imprisoned. 

1656 and the means to unite all parties in attaining the accom- 
plishment of it 1 . It was written upon an invitation given 
in a declaration published by Cromwel for a general fast, 
wherein it was desired that the people would apply them- 
selves to the Lord to discover that Achan which had so 
long obstructed the settlement of these distracted nations. 
When it was finished, he shewed it to Lieutenant-General 
Fleetwood, who seeming to approve it, desired to take it 
with him, and promised to communicate it to Cromwel 
upon the first opportunity that should be offered. Sir 
Henry did not disown either his dissatisfaction with the 
present state of affairs, or the publication of the discourse 
before-mentioned. So that Cromwel thought fit to require 
him, by a day limited, to give security not to act against 
him. Which time being expired, he appeared again before 
the Council, and delivered into Cromwel's own hand another 
paper, containing the reasons of his disapproving the present 
usurpation, and a friendly advice to him to return to his 
duty, with some justification of his own conduct with 
relation to the publick. But notwithstanding all this, and 
divers reasons alledged by him to excuse himself from 
Sept. 4. giving the demanded security, he was sent prisoner to 
Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight. The President 
Bradshaw, notwithstanding what had passed, resolved to go 
his circuit as Chief Justice of Chester, unless he should be 
prevented by force. But it was thought more advisable to 
permit him to execute his office, than by putting a stop to 
his circuit, to make a breach with those of the long robe, 
whose assistance was so necessary to the carrying on of 
Cromwel's design 2 . Yet that neither he, nor, if possible, 

1 See 'The Proceeds of the Pro- Scott, vi. 303; cf. Thurloe, v. 122, 

lector (so called) and his Council 299,317,328,349; vi. 185. 

against Sir Henry Vane, knight pub- " On Aug. i the Council of State 

lished by areall wellwisherto Sion's ordered Serjeant Bradshaw to be 

prosperity and England's liberty,' discharged from the office of Chief 

1656. This contains Vane's letters Justice of Chester and Justice of 

and the paper he delivered to Crom- Assize for Cos. Flint, Denbigh, and 

well. The Healing Question is Montgomery, and his Highness 

reprinted in the Somers Tracts, ed. advised to appoint some other fit 



The elections 0/1656. 17 

any other persons who had continued faithful to the Com- 1656 
monwealth, might be chosen members of the approaching 
assembly, letters were dispatched to all parts of England 
to give notice that it would be resented, if such persons 
were elected ; one of which was publickly read at the 
election for Chester, to deter men from appearing for the 
President. In Wiltshire a more numerous party appearing 
for me than was expected, they were assured by some 
creatures of Cromwel that I was a prisoner in the Tower, 
and by one who had formerly served under me, that I had 
declared to him that I would not be chosen. Yet for all 
this the people persisting in their resolution to elect me, 
the Deputy-Major-General of the county demanded of them, 
whether they intended to have a new war that they 
designed to make choice of me ? By such arts the emissaries 
of the court caused the elections in most places to be 
decided in favour of such as pleased them 1 . For my own 
part, tho I had resolved not to stand, for reasons which I 
mentioned before, and on that account had not directly or 
indirectly spoken or written to any person to appear for me ; 
yet I must acknowledg I was not dissatisfied that so con- 
siderable a number of my country-men were not afraid to 
own and accept that service (how small soever) that I had 
done in the common cause. The court finding by the lists 
they had received, that notwithstanding all their menaces, 
promises, and other artifices, divers persons were chosen 
whom they knew to be no favourers of the usurpation, 
resolved to clear their hands of them at once. And to that 
end, under colour of a clause in the Instrument of Govern- 

person. Afterwards on Sept. 29, 328-9, 337, 349, 353, 370, 382, 396 ; 

they voted that John Bradshaw on the Scotch elections, pp. 276, 295, 

Serjeant at law be permitted to go 322, 366; on the Irish elections, 

his circuit, &c. Cal. S. P., Dom., pp. 213, 229, 278, 327, 336, 343. 

1656-7, pp. 50, 117. The opposition circulated a pamphlet 

1 The letters of the Major-Generals entitled ' England's Remembrancers, 

and other accounts of the elections Ora word in season to all Englishmen 

prove the pressure exercised by the about their elections of the members 

Government. On the elections in for the approaching Parliament;' 

England see Thurloe, v. 215, 220, ib. v. 268, 342. See also Heath's 

286, 296-9, 302-4, 308-9, 313, 317, Chronicle, p. 705. 

VOL. II. C 



1 8 Republicans excluded from Parliament. 

1656 rnent, that none should be admitted to places of power and 
trust but such as were men of sincerity and integritv,j:h.ey 
gave an exclusion to Sir Arthur Haslerig and Mr. Scott,, 
with as many more as they thought fit *. By this means, 
and the refusal of others to take out their permissions to sit 
from Cromwel and his council, as was required, lest they 
should seem to countenance such a detestable imposition 
and open breach of privilege, it came to pass that about 

Sept. 17. a hundred of those who were elected by the country were 
excluded from the discharge of their trust, whilst those for 
Ireland and Scotland, who were chosen by and for the 
sword, were admitted without any scruple. Those that 

Sept. 18. were excluded presented a petition to the sitting members, 
acquainting them, that being chosen by the country to serve 
with them, they were ready to discharge their duty, but 
were prevented from doing the same by the power of the 
sword, and refused admittance into the House by a guard 
of souldiers. After the petition had been read, a committee 
was sent to inquire of Cromwel and his council concerning 
the reasons of that proceeding, who returned with this 
answer : that if the persons complaining would address 
themselves to them, they should be relieved if there was 
cause. With this answer these men who would be accounted 
an English Parliament acquiesced, leaving their privileges 
unvindicated, and the merit of elections to Parliament to be 
adjudged by men without doors. Then they proceeded to 
prepare divers bills, which tended chiefly to gratify the 
souldiery, and such persons as had received grants of land 
from Cromwel and his council, which were confirmed to 
them. Yet for all this harmony there were sometimes 
bitter reflections cast upon the proceedings of the Major- 
Generals by the lawyers and country gentlemen, who 
accused them to have done many things oppressive to the 
people, in interrupting the course of the law, and threatning 
such as would not submit to their arbitrary orders with 

1 C. J. vii. 424-6 ; Old Parliamen- Kelsey urgently recommended the 
tary History, xxi. 26-38 ; Thurloe, imposition of this test. Thurloe, v. 
v. 427, 453, 456, 490. Major-General 384 ; Cal. S. P., Dom., 1656-7, p. 87. 



The bill for confirming the Major-Generals. 19 

transportation beyond the seas. On the other hand the 1656 
Major-Generals insisted vehemently with the assembly to 
confirm the Instrument of Government, and to establish their 
authority in particular : and when it was proposed by some 
who were unwilling to settle such an arbitrary power by 
a law, that to compose these differences an Act of Indemnity 
should be granted for what was past, one of the Major- 
Generals had the insolence to say, they would not thank 
them for that ; for whilst they had their swords by their 
sides, they could protect and indemnify themselves. So 
confident was the souldiery grown, that they durst openly 
avow themselves to be our lords and masters. But the 
lawyers and others of the assembly having privately 
received encouragement from those who were more power- 
ful than the Major-Generals, desisted not from endeavouring 
the suppression of their authority, loading them with many 
heavy accusations, for which they had given but too just 
cause. Yet the Major-Generals, confident of the strength 
of their party, moved for a day when the Instrument of 
Government, and the confirmation of their power, should be 
debated ; which having obtained, and the time come, they 
moved that the whole Instrument might be confirmed at 
once ; but that being rejected, it was debated in parts. 
When the power of the Major-Generals came under con- 
sideration, all men were in great expectation concerning 
the issue of it 1 . It was supposed that Cromwel, who had 
erected their authority, and engaged them in those actions 
for which they were now become odious, would support 
them against all attempts ; because there appeared now no 
way so probable to maintain his own power, as by keeping 
the army firmly united to him. But ambition had corrupted 
his understanding to that degree, that he made no scruple 

1 On Dec. 25, 1656, Major-General second reading of the bill, Jan. 7, 

Disbrowe brought in a bill for con- Claypole and Broghil led the opposi- 

tinuance of a tax upon some people tion ; ib. 310-321, 368. SeeThurloe, 

for the maintenance of the Militia. v. 786 ; vi. 7, 20, 37. The bill was 

Burton's Diary, i. 230-243. Leave thrown out on the second reading, 

was given to bring in the bill by 88 Jan. 26, by 124 to 88 votes. C. J. vii. 

to 63 votes. In the debate on the 483. 

C 2 



2O Colonel Jephsoris motion. 

1656 to sacrifice these men, who, to say no worse, had enlarged 
their consciences to an extraordinary size in the execution 
of his orders, to those who in requital of the favour had 

1657 promised to make him King. Hitherto he had given good 
Jan. 7. words to the Major-Generals ; but when their power came 

to be debated, Mr. Cleypole his son-in-law first stood up, 
which was unusual for him to do at all, and told the House, 
that he could but start the game, and must leave those who 
had more experience to follow the chace : and therefore 
should only say, that he had formerly thought it necessary 
in respect to the condition in which the nation had been, 
that the Major-Generals should be entrusted with -the 
authority which they had exercised ; but in the present 
state of affairs he conceived it inconsistent with the laws of 
England, and liberties of the people, to continue their 
power any longer. This motion was a clear direction to 
the sycophants of the court, who being fully perswaded that 
Cleypole had delivered the sense, if not the very words of 
Cromwel in this matter, joined as one man in opposing 
the Major-Generals, and so their authority was abrogated. 

Soon after Col. William Jephson, one of the members that 
served for Ireland, moved in the House, that Cromwel 
might be made King * ; but matters not being throughly con- 
certed, it had no other effect than to sound the inclinations 
of the Assembly 2 . Cromwel having notice of this motion, 
as he had of every thing that passed, reproved the Colonel 

1 There is no note of Jephson's I think, have an act to expunge them 
motion either in the Journals or in out of the alphabet, and that is my 
Burton's Diary. The first suggestion humble motion.' Burton, ii. 140. 
that Cromwell should take the title Packer, in a speech made in 1659, 
of King seems to have been made by speaking of the 1656 Parliament, 
Mr. Ashe, the elder, on Jan. 19, said, ' This Parliament went on very 
1657. Burton, i. 362. Downing spoke successfully ... suddenly and unex- 
strongly in support of the suggestion, pectedly one that is now dead, 
but Jephson said nothing for or Major-General Jephson, made a 
against. Jephson was strongly in motion to break in upon this,' re- 
favour of kingship ; on May 27, in ferring to the motion mentioned by 
a discussion on the question of the Ludlow; ib. iii. 160. 
title to be given to Cromwell, he a Ludlow pointedly uses the word 
said, ' There are some so out of love ' assembly ' instead of ' parliament.' 
with those four letters that we must, 



The Petition and Advice. 21 

gently at table for it, telling him, that he wondred what he 1657 
could mean by such a proposition. To which the other 
answered, that whilst he was permitted the honour of sitting 
in that House, he must desire the liberty to discharge his 
conscience, tho his opinion should happen to displease. 
Whereupon Cromwel clapping him on the shoulder said, 
' Get thee gone for a mad fellow as thou art.' But it soon 
appeared with what madness he was possessed ; for he 
immediately obtained a foot company for his son, then 
a scholar at Oxford, and a troop of horse for himself : and 
not long after was sent agent to the crown of Sweden, with August. 
a considerable allowance appointed to defray the expences 
of his journey thither 1 . 

Many objections being made in the House against the 
Instrument of Government, Cromwel, who was vehemently 
desirous to be a King, began to think it altogether in- 
significant to that purpose, and that it would be more 
conducing to his design if a new form were drawn up, and 
presented to the Assembly for their approbation. Accord- 
ingly it was prepared by his creatures, and brought into the 
House by Mr. Pack, an alderman of London, where it was Feb. 23. 
without much difficulty read, and appeared to be a shoe 
fitted to the foot of a monarch, tho at present a blank was 
left for the title of the single person, who with two Houses 
was to have the supreme legislative power 2 . 

Those who were of the Major- Generals and souldiers' party 
finding that Cromwel was abandoning them to espouse 
another interest, struck in with those who still retained 
some affection to the Commonwealth : and all together 
perceiving that these new measures had been advised by 
the craft of our old enemy, to make use of Cromwel's 

1 Jephson's instructions are dated 3 On Pack's motion see Burton's 

Aug. 22, 1657. He set out on Aug. Diary, i. 378 ; iii. 160 ; C. J. vii. 496 ; 

29. A number of his letters dealing Thurloe, vi. 75. It was generally 

with the progress of his mission are observed that Pack was at the time 

printed in Thurloe's papers, and some debtor to the state for a large 

from Jephson to Henry Cromwell sum of money. Heath's Chronicle, 

are amongst the Lansdowne MSS. p. 712; Cal. S. P., Dom., 1656-7, 

Thurloe, vi. 478 ; Masson, Life of p. 253. 
Milton, v. 370-3 ; D. N. B. xxix. 335. 



22 Cromwell offered the Crown. 

1657 ambition as the only probable means to reduce us to our 
former servitude, fell so furiously upon Pack for his great 
presumption in bringing a business of that nature into the 
House, in such an unparliamentary way, that they bore him 
down from the Speaker's chair to the bar of the House of 
Commons. But this heat being soon over, the Lord 
Broghilj Serjeant Glynn, and others, who were acquainted 
with Cromwel's design, endeavoured to perswade the House 
to debate the new form., telling them, that being masters of 
their own resolutions, they might retain as much of it as 
was good, and reject what was not so. By this means they 
brought it to be debated ; and tho they received some 
opposition therein, yet when it came to be put to the 
question, they carried all before them, and grew so hardy 
to move that the blank left for the insertion of the title of 
the Chief Magistrate might be filled up with the name of 

March 25. King 1 . This motion, tho earnestly opposed by Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood, was carried also, and the name voted, 
together with the filling up the two blanks left for the two 
Houses, with the words, House of Commons, and Other 
House. The latter of these was resolved to consist of 
seventy persons to be nominated by Cromwel, and to be 
approved by the Assembly then sitting. But Cromwel 
being acquainted with that resolution, and disliking it, as 
unreasonable that gentlemen's names should be canvassed, 
and it may be their persons reflected on in a public 

March u. assembly, he obtained it to be left to him to appoint whom 
he should think fit to compose that Other House 2 . He 
told them also, that the provision made for his expence, and 

1 On March 25, the House voted John Reynolds and Lord Howard, 

the following clause : ' That your for the minority Major-Gen. Boteler 

Highness will be pleased to assume the and Col. Salmon. C. J. vii. 511. 
name, style, title, dignity and office 2 This was voted on March n, 

of King of England, Scotland, and 1657, but without the intervention by 

Ireland, and the respective dominions the Protector himself which Ludlow 

and territories thereunto belonging ; describes. Burton, i. 386. Ludlow's 

and to exercise the same according account of Cromwell's speech seems 

to the laws of these nations.' This to be a confused summary of several 

was passed by 123 to 62 votes, the later speeches, 
tellers for the majority being Sir 



The arguments of the Committee. 23 

for maintaining the army and fleet, was not sufficient, and 1657 
thereby procured a great sum of money to be added to that 
which at first they designed. Yet for all this he scrupled 
to take upon him the title of King, as a thing scandalous 
and of great hazard ; tho at the same time he vilified the 
former Instrument of Government to the last degree ; and 
after having so highly magnified it when it was established, 
he compared it now to a rotten plank, on which if a man 
set his foot it will break and leave him. The Assembly 
well understanding that the cause of his delays was either 
to be importuned to the thing, or to get time to perswade 
the army to be of the same opinion with himself, appointed 
a committee of their own members to give him their reasons April 9. 
for accepting this title 1 . Amongst others the Lord Broghil 
much pressed that passage brought by the apostle in the 
dispute concerning the abolition of the Jewish worship by 
the new and living way revealed in Jesus Christ, illustrated 
by the wife that was put away, who might yet be retaken 
by her former husband, if she was not married to another ; 
applying this similitude to the present occasion, as if there 
was no other way to keep out Charles Stewart, but by 
filling his place with another King. Mr. Lenthall's argument 
was very parliamentary and rational, had it been rightly 
applied ; for he pressed him to accept of it, because it was 
proposed to him by the Parliament, as he was pleased to 
call it, whom he said he ought not to deny. But he was 
now arrived to that height of vanity, that tho the design of 
this argument was only to perswade him to accept that 
which he desired above all things in the world ; yet con- 
ceiving it below his grandeur to acknowledg such a prero- 
gative in the Parliament alone, he expressed his dislike of 
it. And tho he owned that the reasons they had offered 
had much weight in them, and that he was convinced there 
was no evil in the thing, yet he could not think it expedient 
to accept their offer, because he found that many of the 

1 The Committee debated the are reprinted in the Old Parliamen- 
question of Kingship with Cromwell tary History, xxi. 66-121 (Lenthall's 
on April n and 16. Their speeches speech, p. 73 ; Broghil 's, p. 86). 



24 Fleetwood and Desborough oppose Kingship. 

1657 good people of the nation were dissatisfied with it. With 
this answer he dismissed them for the present, and appointed 
them to attend him again. In the mean time he endeavoured 
by all possible means to prevail with the officers of the 
army to approve his design, and knowing that Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood and Col. Desborough were particularly 
averse to it, he invited himself to dine personally with the 
Colonel, and carried the Lieutenant-General with him, where 
he began to droll with them about monarchy, and speaking 
slightly of it, said it was but a feather in a man's cap 1 , and 
therefore wondered that men would not please the children, 
and permit them to enjoy their rattle. But he received 
from them, as Col. Desborough since told me, such "an 
answer as was not at all sutable to his expectations or 
desires. For they assured him, that there was more in this 
matter than he perceived ; that those who put him upon it 
were no enemies to Charles Stewart ; and that if he accepted 
of it, he would infallibly draw ruin on himself and friends. 
Having thus sounded their inclinations, that he might 
conclude in the manner he had begun, he told them, they 
were a couple of scrupulous fellows, and so departed. The 
next day he sent a message to the House, to require their 
attendance in the Painted Chamber the next morning, 
designing, as all men believed, there to declare his accepta- 
tion of the crown. But in the mean time meeting with Col. 
Desborough in the great walk of the park, and acquainting 
him with his resolution, the Colonel made answer, that he 
then gave the cause and Cromwel's family also for lost ; 
adding, that tho he was resolved never to act against him, 
yet he would not act for him after that time. So after 

1 Cromwell first used this phrase authority' (Thurloe, vi. 183). Titus 

in his speech to the hundred officers, informed Hyde on April 10 that 

Feb. 27, 1657. ' For his part,' he Cromwell would refuse the crown, 

told them, ' he loved this title, adding : ' They say that speaking of 

a feather in a hat, as little as they the title of King, he said he was now 

did ' (Burton's Diary, i. 383). The an old man and cared not for wearing 

phrase at once attracted attention. a feather in his cap.' Clarendon 

Henry Cromwell repeats it in a letter State Papers, iii. 336. Letter 200 

to Thurloe, April 8, 1657, styling the in Carlyle's Cromwell, where the 

title ' a gawdy feather in the hat of phrase is also found, is spurious. 



Cromwell delays his acceptance. 25 

some other discourse upon the same 'subject, Desborough 1657 
went home, and there found Col. Pride, whom Cromwel had 
knighted with a faggot-stick 1 ; and having imparted to him 
the design of Cromwel to accept the crown, Pride answered, 
' he shall not.' ' Why,' said the Colonel, ' how wilt thou hinder 
it ? ' To which Pride replied, ' Get me a petition drawn, and 
I will prevent it.' Whereupon they both went to Dr. Owen, 
and having acquainted him with what had hapned, they 
perswaded him to draw a petition according to their desires. 
Whilst this was doing, Cromwel having reflected on his 
discourse with Col. Desborough, and being informed that 
Lambert and divers other officers were dissatisfied with his 
design, sent a message to put off the meeting in the Painted 
Chamber, and to desire that the House would send a 
committee to confer with him about the great business that 
was then depending ; intending thereby to gain time in 
which he might be fitting the officers for his design. But 
the House being risen before his message arrived, and so 
out of a capacity to appoint any to come to him, the old 
committee that had been formerly appointed to that end, 
thought fit by virtue of their general instructions to wait 
on him to know his pleasure. Accordingly they came to 
Whitehall, where they attended about two hours, and then 
a Barbary-horse being brought into the garden for him to 
see, gave him an occasion to pass through the room where 
the committee was attending. As he was passing by 
without taking the least notice of them, one of the 
messengers put him in mind that they had attended very 
long ; which he slightly excusing, told them, that he 
thought the House being risen before his message came 
to them, had not impowered any persons to come to him. 
It was answered, that they came to him upon the general 
instructions which they had formerly received from the 
House : upon which he told them, he would send to them 
some other time 2 . The next morning the House being in May 8. 

1 Thomas Pride, knighted by a This is confirmed by Thurloe's 

Cromwell Jan. 17, 1656; died Oct. letters to H. Cromwell, vi. 281, 291, 
2 3> 1658. 310 : ' His Highness was pleased 



26 The officers petition against Kingship. 



l6 57 great expectation of a message to appoint the time and 
place for the acceptance of what they had prepared, some 
officers of the army coming to the Parliament doors, sent in 
a message to Col. Desborough, to acquaint him, that they 
had a petition which they desired him to present to the 
House. But he knowing the contents of it, and conceiving 
it unfit for him to take publick notice of it before it was 
presented, acquainted the House that certain officers of the 
army had a petition to present to them. Which having 
done, and every one supposing that the desires of the 



upon the Wednesday and Thursday 
before, to declare to several! of the 
house, that he was resolved to accept 
it with that title ; but just in the very 
nicke of time he took other resolu- 
tions, the three great men (Fleet- 
wood, Lambert, and Desborough) 
professinge their great unfreenes to 
act, and sayd that imediately after 
his acceptance thereof they must 
withdraw from all publique imploy- 
ment, and soe they beleeved would 
severall other officers of quality, 
that had beene engaged all alonge in 
this warre. Besides, the very 
morneinge the house expected H. H. 
would have come to have given his 
consent to the bill, some 26 or 27 
officers came with a petition to 
the Parliament, to desire them not to 
presse H. H. any further about 
Kingship. The petition was brought 
to the barr by Lieut. -Col. Mason, 
who was the cheife man, who 
promoted it, and went up and down 
from man to man to get hands there- 
unto. The petition was not read, 
but layed by ; and some moved that 
the house would take into their 
consideration as a breach of privilege ; 
but that was neither thought fit to 
be hearkened unto.' Thurloe, vi. 281. 
The petition was printed, but does 
not seem to be in existence now ; 
great care was taken to suppress it ; 
ib. 291, 310. For other petitions 



against Kingship see ib. p. 229. 
Major Anthony Morgan, in a letter to 
Henry Cromwell on May 12, adds 
some details on the presentation of 
the petition : ' 'Tis said his Highness 
knew nothing of the petition, but 
when he heard of it was extream 
angry, cald it a high breach of 
priviledge, and the greatest injury 
they could have offered him next 
cutting his throat, and indeed com- 
ming in as it did it makes people 
abroad say he is afraid of his army. 
This day the report of his Highness's 
denyall was made to the House. 
Mr. Bodurda moved the house would 
vindicate their priviledge in respect 
of the above petition. Mr. Goodwin 
said that wee were concerned to 
take notice of evill councellors who 
advised his Highness without doores 
not to hearken to the advice of his 
Parliament, said it was the quarrell 
in the beginning with the late King. 
These things were passed over and 
the debate about his Highness's an- 
swer adjourned till tomorrow morn- 
ing. Upon a division of the house 
one halfe being in the lobby Sir Tho. 
Pride exprest much anger against 
Mr. Goodwin, and said he should 
be called to the barr. HarryOwen re- 
plied, "'Twere fitter to call you to the 
barr for killing the beares," for which 
he was applauded by the crowd about 
him.' Lansdowne MSS. 822, f. 277. 



The effect of their petition. 2 7 

officers were conformable to their own, Cromwel's party 1657 
concluding that no part of the army durst appear for the 
crossing his design, it was generally agreed that they should 
be called in, and have leave to present it with their own 
hands. Lieutenant- Colonel Mason was chosen by the rest 
of the officers to deliver the petition, which when he had 
done, and the officers withdrawn, it was read. The contents t 
of it were to this purpose ; ' That they had hazarded their 
lives against monarchy, and wer still ready so to do, in 
defence of the liberties of the nation : that having observed 
in some men great endeavours to bring the nation again 
under their old servitude, by pressing their General to take 
upon him the title and government of a King, in order to 
destroy him, and weaken the hands of those who were 
faithful to the publick ; they therefore humbly desired that 
they would discountenance all such persons and endeavours, 
and continue stedfast to the old cause, for the preservation 
of which they for their parts were most ready to lay down 
their lives.' This petition was subscribed by two colonels, 
seven lieutenant-colonels, eight majors, and sixteen captains, 
who with such officers in the House as were of the same 
opinion, made up the majority of those relating to that part 
of the army which was then quartered about the town. 
It's difficult to determine whether the House or Cromwel 
was more surprised at this unexpected address ; but certainly 
both were infinitely disturbed at it. As soon as the notice 
of it was brought to Cromwel, he sent for Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood, and told him, that he wondred he 
would suffer such a petition to proceed so far, which he 
might have hindred, since he knew it to be his resolution 
not to accept the crown without the consent of the army ; 
and therefore desired him to hasten to the House, and to 
put them off from doing any thing farther therein. The 
Lieutenant-General immediately went thither, and told them 
that the petition ought not to be debated, much less to be 
answered at this time, the contents of it being to desire 
them not to press the Protector to be King, whereas the 
present business was to receive his answer to what had been 



28 Cromwell refuses the Crown. 

1657 formerly offered to him, and therefore desired that the debate 
of it might be put off, till they had received his answer. 
To this the House having consented, they received a message 
from Cromwel, that instead of meeting him in the Painted 
Chamber, which was the place where he used to give his 
consent, they would meet him in the Banqueting House : so 

May 8. the members came to Whitehal, and Cromwel with great 
ostentation of his self-denial refused the title of King. 

The grand design of the usurper having miscarried, the 
people were full of expectation to see what form of 
government the men of the sword would erect next. For 
as Cromwel had used all imaginable art and industry to 
throw dirt on all that had preceded, and most of all on the 
Instrument of Government, which he was once so fond of, 
and yet now alledged that it neither provided for the 
safety of the governours or governed : so the present 
Assembly had openly declared against the family of the 
Stuarts. But the restitution of the Commonwealth being 
the thing that was principally dreaded by these self- 
interested men, it was so contrived and carried, that the 
House shall present their Humble Petition and Advice to 
him again, with the sole alteration of the word King into 
that of Protector. This resolution was the more easily 
obtained, because the Commonwealth's men had been, 
under various frivolous pretences, denied their places in 
the Assembly ; sojthat those only, who were for a Protector 
with an army, or those who were for King Oliver with an 
army, were the persons that were permitted to dispute 
within those walls. And now Cromwel having manifested 
his weakness, as" 'well as his ambition in the late intrigue, 
was glad to take what he could get, and without any 
dispute agreed to what was proposed to him by the 

May 25. Assembly * : which being done, the time was appointed for 
vesting him with the authority which was to be conferred 
upon him, and Westminster-Hall was the place where the 

June 26. solemnity was performed a . The aldermen of London and 

1 Cf. Thurloe, vi. 309-311, 330. 

2 Mercurius Politicus, June 25-July 2, p. 7881. 



His second installation as Protector. 29 

the judges, rather moved by fear than affection, were 1657 
prevailed to be present ; and Sir Thomas Widdrington, who 
was Speaker of the Assembly, was ordered to administer an 
oath to him, and to present him with a sword, a scepter, 
and a Bible. The pretended Protector was clothed with 
a purple robe lined with ermins, the train of which was 
held by the son of the Lord Roberts. Of all the nobility 
the Earl of Warwick was the only person that accompanied 
him ; and because he would still retain a form of godliness, 
he appointed Mr. Lockyer to preach before him at his 
return to Whitehall. The next day after this solemnity, 
a feast was prepared for the Assembly and officers of the 
army, at which it was observed Major- General Lambert 
was not present, whereby it was suspected that he was 
declining in favour for obstructing Cromwel's design of 
being King : for as I have been informed by a person 
deserving credit, the Major-General did take the liberty, 
when that question was on foot, to tell Cromwel, that if he 
accepted the crown, he could not assure the army to him. 

By the Humble Petition and Advice, for so was this 
new instrument called, among other things it was provided, 
that an oath should be taken by those of the Assembly 
and council, not to do any thing against the present 
government, and to be true and faithful to the Protector, 
according to the law of the land. This oath Major-General 
Lambert refused, whereupon Cromwel sent for him, and 
told him that he was well assured his refusal proceeded 
not on account of this new authority; for he might 
remember that he himself did at the first press him to 
accept the title of King : and therefore if he was now dis- 
satisfied with the present posture of affairs, he desired him 
to surrender his commission. To this the Major-General 
answered, that having no suspicion that it would then be 
demanded of him, he had not brought it, but if he pleased 
to send for it, he should deliver it, which two or three days 
after was done 1 ; and so his pay as Colonel of a regiment July 13. 

1 Lambert had opposed through- Thurloe, on Feb. 24, 1656, ' Lam- 
out. ' I do verily believe,' writes bert will if it can be done put 



3O Lambert and Vane. 

1657 of horse, as colonel of a regiment of foot, and as major- 
general of the army, was struck off, together with ten 
pounds by day, which was the general's pay, and which 
Cromwel allowed him, to keep him firm to his interest 
But Cromwel did not think it safe to disgust him intirely, 
and therefore thought it expedient to allow him a pension 
of two thousand pounds a year, to keep him from any 
desperate undertaking. 

Sir Henry Vane being still a prisoner in Carisbrook 
Castle, an order was sent thither from the council to bring 
him from thence, and to permit him to enjoy his liberty, 
which was done, and he arrived at London in a short tipie 
after, where he met with another kind of persecution : for 
Cromwel perceiving that the former method had proved 
unsuccessful, privately incouraged some of the army to 
take possession of certain forest walks belonging to Sir 
Henry Vane near the castle of Raby, and also gave order 
to the attorney general, on pretence of a flaw in his title 
to a great part of his estate, to present a bill against him 
in the exchequer. This was designed to oblige him to 
expose his title, which if they could get done, they doubted 
not, by the craft of the lawyers, to find some defect in it, 
whereby it was hoped he would be forced into a compliance ; 
yet at the same time he was privately informed that he 
should be freed from this, or any other inquisition, and 
that he should have whatsoever else he would desire, in 
case he would comply with the present authority 1 . 

The Assembly having provided supplies for the army, 
and referred other things to the conduct of Cromwel, 

I 

the army in a distemper.' After the it is printed in 3rd Rep. Hist. MSS. 

acceptance of the Petition and Advice Comm. p. 247. Lambert had opposed 

by Cromwell he absented himself for the oath when it was first proposed 

a time from the Council, and it was in Parliament. Burton, ii. 276, 295. 
believed he would resign his com- * Vane was released by order of 

mission. A few days later he offered Dec. n, 1656. An answer to Lud- 

to take the oath, but the Protector low's account of Cromwell's dealing 

distrusted him, and finally sent to with Vane about the lands mentioned 

him to surrender his commission. is given in ' Regicides no Saints,' 

Thurloe, vi. 74,412, 425, 427. Crom- 8vo, 1700, pp. 99-101. 
well's letter ordering him to surrender 



The Other House. 31 

adjourned themselves for some months, during which time 1657 
Cromwel endeavoured to make up a collection of men of J une * 6 - 
all interests to fill that which was called the Other House. . 
The principal part of them were such as had procured 
their present possessions by their wits, and were resolved 
to enlarge them by selling their consciences for the purchase 
of his favour. With these were joined some of the antient 
nobility, together with some of the gentry, who had con- 
siderable estates derived to them from their ancestors ; 
such were Mr. Pierpoint, Mr. Alexander Popham, Sir 
Richard Onslow, Sir Thomas Honywood, Mr. Edmund 
Thomas, Sir Gilbert Gerrard, and others 1 . He sent also 
a summons, in the form of the antient writ directed by the 
kings of England to such as they called to the Lords' House, 
to Sir Arthur Haslerig, who had always appeared a zealous 
assertor of the publick liberty. Sir Arthur having received 
the summons from the messenger, who brought it to him 
into the country, dismissed him, without declaring his 
resolutions concerning it. Mr. William Lenthal, who had 
been Speaker of the Parliament, was very much disturbed 
that a writ was not sent to him to enable him to sit in the 
Other House. He complained, that he who had been for 
some years the first man of the nation, was now denied to 
be a member of either House of Parliament ; for he was 
uncapable of sitting in the House of Commons by his place 
as Master of the Rolls, whereby he was obliged to sit as 
assistant in the Other House. This grievous complaint 
coming to the ears of Cromwel, he sent him a writ, which 
so elevated the poor man, that riding in his coach through 
the Strand, and seeing Mr. Lambert Osbalston, formerly 
master of the school at Westminster, whom he knew to be 
a great lover of Sir Arthur Haslerig, he asked him what 
Sir Arthur designed to do in answer to the writ which 
he had received ? and Mr. Osbalston answering that he 
knew not what the intentions of Sir Arthur Haslerig 

1 A list of Cromwell's Lords is are appended to Noble's House of 
given in the Old Parliamentary Cromwell, vol. i. See also Thurloe, 
History, xxi. 167. Biographies of them vi. 609, 630, 668. 



32 The opening of the second session. 

1657 were concerning it ; he replied, ' I pray write to him, 
and desire him by no means to omit taking his place in 
that House, and assure him from me that all that do 
so, shall themselves and their heirs be for ever peers of 
England.' 

1658 The time for the meeting of these venerable Assemblies 
Jan. 20. b em g come, none of the antient nobility, except the Lord 

Eure, adventured to come into the Other House l . The 
Earl of Warwick himself, tho he ventured to marry his 
grandson to one of Cromwel's daughters, would not be 
perswaded to sit with Col. Hewson and Col. Pride, whereof 
the one had been a shoemaker, and the other a drayman ; 
and had they driven no worse trade, I know not why any 
good man should refuse to act with them. Divers of the 
gentry did not appear, yet others, and particularly such as 
were related to those in power, were prevailed with to be of 
this Assembly. 

The door of the House of Commons, for so they would 
have it called, was now opened, and the guard removed, 
and every member admitted that took the oath prescribed 
by them before their adjournment. Most of the members, 
who had been formerly excluded, took the oath also, and 
were admitted to sit in the House, where the addition 
of these last, together with the removal of those of the 
Other House, who were for the most part taken out of this, 
made a considerable alteration in that body. Great ex- 
pectations were raised to see what course Sir Arthur 
Haslerig would take, who being chosen by the people to 
sit in one Assembly, and by Cromwel to sit in another, 
had not yet declared his intentions in that matter. He 
came to London as privately as he could, but the court 
having notice of his arrival, sent Col. Howard to his 
lodgings the next morning, to feel his pulse ; which he, 
suspecting something of that nature, avoided by going 
early abroad ; and coming to the door of the House of 
Commons, procured some of his friends to give him the 

1 George Lord Eure, d. 1672. A of Cromwell's Lords appended to 
life of him is given in Noble's account his House of Cromwell, i. 381. 



Cromwell dissolves his Second Parliament. 33 

oath * ; then he took his place in the House without any 1658 
dispute, as did also Mr. Scot, with divers others who J an - 2 5- 
had been formerly excluded by Cromwel and his Council. 
There they began to call in question all that had been 
done in the former sessions, grounding their arguments on 
the force that was upon that Assembly, whereby a great 
number of those who had as good a right to sit there as 
any others, were peremptorily refused to sit. Eight or ten 
days were spent in these debates ; and in the mean time 
some petitions were carrying on, and subscribed by many 
thousands, to be presented to those who sate in the place 
where the Parliament of England ought to be. Cromwel 
was not a little startled at these proceedings, suspecting 
that part of the army, especially those that were quartered 
about St. James's, were engaged therein ; therefore to pre- 
vent that which he feared, and which his conscience told 
him he had deserv'd, he took the inspection of the watch at 
Whitehal for several nights successively in his own person. 
And the alarm from abroad increasing daily, he resolved 
upon the dissolution of this Assembly, intending as soon as 
they were dismissed, and the power devolved upon him 
again, to curb that spirit of liberty that had lately appeared, 
and to remove such officers from their commands in the 
army, whom he suspected to have had any hand in their 
late counsels. Whilst he was deliberating about the best 
means of effecting this design, fresh information was brought 
him concerning the diligence of his adversaries in all parts ; 
which quickened him to that degree, that he would not stay 
for one of his own coaches, but taking the first that was at 
hand, with such guards as he could presently get together, 
he hurried to the Other House. Whither being come, he 
imparted his intentions to dissolve that Assembly to Lieut.- 
General Fleetwood ; who earnestly endeavouring to disswade 
him from it, he clapped his hand upon his breast, and swore 
by the living God he would do it. Then he sent for the 
Judges, and they being come, dispatched another message 

1 See Burton's Diary, ii. 346 ; Thurloe, vi. 757. 
VOL. II. D 



34 Cromwell purges his own regiment. 

1658 to the Assembly to attend him presently. Many of them 
declined to come, and those that appeared were very ill 
treated by him for obstructing that work, which he said 
was so well begun, in order to the settlement of the nation. 
On the other hand, he assured those whom he had called to 
his Other House, that notwithstanding all the practices that 
had been used against them, they should continue to be 
Lords, and so dismissed both the Assemblies to follow 

Feb. 4 their own private affairs J . 

Cromwel having thus resumed the power into his own 
hands, made use of it to remove from the army such as 
he suspected to have obstructed his design ; and beginning 

Feb. ii. with his own regiment of horse, he sent for Col. Packer, 
who was the major, and Capt. Gladman, who commanded 
his own troop, with the rest of the captains of that regiment 
to attend him : whither being come, he demanded of them 
if they were willing to promise fidelity to the present Govern- 
ment, and to fight against those that should oppose it. They 
answered they were ready to fight against Charles Stuart, 
and that interest ; but they could not engage against they 
knew not whom, and for they knew not what. But he 
provoked with this answer, dismissed them from their 
commands, and placed men that would obey without 
reserve in their room 2 . By this and other means he lost 



1 See the letters relative to the sent for, accused of perjury, and 

dissolution of this Parliament printed outed of a place of ^600 per annum, 

in the English Historical Review, I would not give it up. He (Crom- 

June, 1892. Ludlow probably derives well) told me I was not apt: I that 

some of the details of his account had served him fourteen years ever 

from ' A Second Narrative of the late since he was captain of a troop of 

Parliament ... by a friend to the horse, till he came to this power : 

good old cause,' 1658. Harleian Mis- and had commanded a regiment 

cellany, ed. Park, iii. 472. seven years: without any trial or 

* Packer said himself in a speech appeal with the breath of his nostrils 

to Richard Cromwell's Parliament I was outed ; and lost not only my 

that he was turned out for refusing place, but a dear friend to boot, 

to own Cromwell's House of Lords Five captains under my command, 

established by the Petition and Ad- all of integrity, courage and valour, 

vice. ' I thought it was not a Lords' were outed with me because they 

House, but another House. But for could not comply ; they could not 

my undertaking to judge this I was say that was a House of Lords.' 



The case of Henry Nevil. 35 

the affections of great numbers of men, that would have 1658 
been useful and faithful to him against the family of the 
late King. And it being well known that he could not 
subsist at all without at least a Mock-Parliament, Mr. Henry 
Nevil, a hearty assertor of the Commonwealth interest, 
having been much injured by the Sheriff of Barkshire in 1656 
the last return for that county, commenced a suit against Aug. 20. 
the said sheriff, in order to deter others from the like foul 
practices for the future : but not being willing so far to 
acknowledg the present authority, as to prefer his action 
upon the instrument of government, he was advised by 
Serjeant Maynard, Mr. Allen of Grays-Inn, and some 
others, to bring his action of the case against the sheriff. 
On the day of trial Mr. Nevil desired Sir Arthur Haslerig, 
Sir James Harrington, Mr. Scot, my self, and some other 
members of the Long Parliament, to be present in the 
court ; where after all the objections made by the sheriff's 
counsel against the declaration it self, and against the 
damages pretended by him for not being returned, were 
overruled by the court, they proceeded to hear the witnesses 
on both sides ; which being done, the Chief Justice St. Johns 
declared to the jury how heinous a crime it was for a sheriff 
who being but a servant to the country, should presume to 
impose upon them such members as he pleased to serve 
in Parliament, which was the bulwark of the people's 
liberties ; adding farther, that if such practices should be 
allowed, the people would be out of hope to be relieved 
from 1 their grievances. Then the jury retired, and having 
considered the depositions of the witnesses, and also what 
was said to them by the Chief Justice, they returned into 
court, and found the sheriff guilty of the charge, and 
adjudged him to pay i5oo/. for damages to Mr. Nevil, 

Burton's Diary, iii. 165. This was Hunter. Major Butler succeeded 

that Packer for dismissing whom to the command of the regiment. 

Cromwell had once rebuked Major- Thurloe, vi. 789, 793, 806, vii. 38. 

General Crawford. Carlyle, Letter Butler was one of the most unpopular 

ao. The captains cashiered at the of the Protector's Major-Generals, 

same time were Gladman, Malins See Burton's Diary, iv. 403 C. J. 

Barrington,Spinage,andCapt.-Lieut. vii. 366, 704. 

D 2 



36 Henry Cromwell courts the Presbyterians. 

1656 and one hundred pounds to the Commonwealth 1 . This 
verdict was very grateful to those who wished well to the 
publick, not only on the account of Mr. Nevil, who had 
entred into this contest to vindicate his country from 
oppression ; but because it was hoped it would prove 
a means to deter other sheriffs from doing the like for 
the future. But now the Chief Justice having, as he 
thought, sufficiently pleased the popular interest by what 
he had said concerning the rights of the people, began 
to contrive means to gratify his master Cromwel, by whose 
order the sheriff had acted ; and to this end upon the motion 
of the sheriffs counsel, granted an arrest of judgment, and 
appointed a day in the next term to hear what could be 
said on each side. In the mean time the sheriff, and those 
who had promised to support him, applied themselves 
to Cromwel to interpose his authority in this matter, 
charging Mr. Nevil with many false and malicious aspersions, 
whilst the sheriff improving the opportunity, conveyed away 
his real and personal estate. Endeavours were likewise used 
to take off Mr. Nevil, by compounding the business ; but 
he preferring the advantage of the Commonwealth before 
his private interest, refused to hearken to any overtures, till 
the judgment was recorded for an example to posterity, 
and then declared himself resolved to deal with the sheriff 
as became him. 

i^sj 8 The state of affairs in Ireland was little different from 
that of England, and the army there as much disaffected 
to Cromwel's design of being king, as those of that pro- 
fession at home ; so that Col. Henry Cromwel who had 
before courted the Sectarian party, and shewed much 
respect to Col. Zanchy, now began to caress Major Markham, 
Mr. Winter, and others of the Presbyterian interest, desiring 
them to join in an address to his father to stand by and 
defend him against his enemies 2 . To which they answered, 

1 The sheriff was William Stroud and instructions to the Deputy and 
of Ruscomb, Berks. See C. J. vii. council are dated the same day, the 
598; Burton's Diary, iii. 51. councillors being William Steele, 

2 On Nov. 16, 1657, Henry Crom- Chancellor; Richard Pepys, Chief 
well was appointed Lord Deputy, Justice of the Upper Bench; Miles 



The death of Blake. 37 

that if they knew who they were, they could be positive in 1658 
their answer ; but being altogether ignorant of the things 
they were required to engage for, and of the persons they 
were to engage against, they could by no means consent to 
his proposal. In the mean time Cromwel was not un- 
mindful of securing the fleet to his interest ; and therefore 
suspecting that General Blake was dissatisfied with his 
proceedings, joined Col. Montague who was intirely his 
creature, and Col. Desborough in commission with him ; 
the latter only bearing the name, and managing with other 
commissioners the maritime affairs at home. It was easily 
perceived that Montague was sent to sea with Blake to 
gain experience in those affairs, and to endeavour to get an 
interest in the seamen, that the credit of Blake might be 
the better balanced, or his person totally laid aside : but 
it pleased God that this work was in a short time done 
to their hands, General Blake falling sick a little after 1657 
of a distemper, whereby he died. The loss of this great Au S- 7- 
man was lamented by Cromwel much in the same manner 
as that of the Lord Deputy Ireton, and that also of General 
Deane had been J . 

Cromwel having been disappointed, as I formerly men- 
tioned, in his endeavours of procuring a civil authority to 
countenance his arbitrary power, made it his business so 
to balance all interests, that they should not dare to oppose 
him, for fear of bringing themselves into a worse condition 
than that wherein they were. To this end he gratified such 

Corbet, Chief Baron ; Matthew missioned were Blake and Monck, 

Thomlinson and William Bury, Esq. to whom Desborough and Penn 

On Nov. 6, 1658, Henry Cromwell were now added. Cromwell ap- 

was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of pointed new commissioners on 

Ireland for three years. Fourteenth Nov. 8, 1655, and Montague was 

Report of the Keeper of Irish Re- nominated General at Sea (in place 

cords, p. 28. The address referred of Penn) on Jan. 2, 1656. Blake 

to is printed in Mercurius Politicus, died on Aug. 7, 1657, and was buried 

June 17-24, 1658; cf. Thurloe, vii. 215. in Westminster Abbey on Sept. 4. 

1 On Dec. 3, 1653, the ' Little On his funeral see Cal. S. P., Dom. 

Parliament ' appointed four generals 1657-8, preface, p. 50. A contem- 

at sea, and a new committee for the porary poem on his life and actions 

management of the navy. The two is reprinted in Poems on Affairs of 

generals at sea previously com- State, ii. 274, ed. 1703. 



38 The marriage of Frances Cromwell. 

l6 57 of the Presbyterian party as were the most complying, and 
courted divers of the nobility, particularly the Earl of 
Warwick, whose grandson was admitted to be a suitor to 
his youngest daughter. But because that this alliance was 
not at all grateful to some persons about him, he contrived 
to appear averse to the match ; and then by the manage- 
ment of Sir Edward Sydenham it was brought about that 

Nov. ii. the young couple were married without the knowledg of 
their parents : for which contrivance Sir Edward was for 
a time forbidden the court 1 . 

Notwithstanding these and many other artifices used by 
him to support his usurpation, continual designs were set on 
foot against him. Some Fifth-Monarchy-men,to the number 
of about three hundred, expecting extraordinary assistance 
from heaven, had formed a design to dethrone him ; but 
these he slighted on account of the smallness of their number 
and having some spies amongst them, who gave him 
intelligence of all their measures, he suffered them to go on 
till the night before that wherein they had appointed to 

April 9. rendezvouz. At which time he sent a guard of souldiers, 
who seized the principal of them as they were consulting 
about the manner of putting their enterprize in execution. 
Their declarations were also taken with them, and their 
standard which had in it a lion couchant with these words, 
' Who shall rouse him up ? ' 2 These men being for the most 

1 Ludlow's story can scarcely be persons of high honor and quality.' 
correct. The match was publicly The bans of marriage were three 
negotiated and publicly celebrated. times published in the church of 
Thurloe, vi. 477, 573. Mercurius St. Martin's in the Fields. Waters, 
Politicus, Nov. 5-12, says. 'This Parish Registers, 1887, p. 16. 
day the most illustrious lady, the 2 A plot of the Fifth-Monarchy 
Lady Frances Cromwell, yongest men in which Venner played a lead- 
daughter of his Highness the Lord ing part was discovered in April, 
Protector, was married to the most 1657. Thurloe, vi. 163, 184, 194, 
noble gentleman, Mr. Robert Rich, 202, 291, 349; C. J., vii. 521 ; Mer- 
son of the Lord Rich, grandchild of curius Politicus, p. 7726. Another 
the Earl of Warwick and of the plot was detected in Feb. 1658, and 
Countess Dowager of Devonshire, followed by numerous arrests. Lud- 
in the presence of their Highnesses, low mixes up the two, and puts the 
of his grandfather and father, and incidents of the first plot a year too 
the said Countess, with many other late. 



New plots against the Protector. 39 

part tradesmen, were carried prisoners to the Gate-house, 1658 
where they lay long in a miserable condition. Soon after April i. 
this some persons that used to meet in Coleman Street, to 
deplore the apostacy of the times, and particularly that 
of Whitehall, were seized by the Lord Mayor's officers, 
pursuant to Cromwel's orders, as they were coming out 
from their meeting-place. Amongst these was a cornet 
whose name was Day, and who being charged with saying 
that Cromwel was a rogue and a traitor, confessed the 
words : and to justify himself said, that Cromwel had 
affirmed in the presence of himself and divers other officers, 
that if he did oppress the conscientious, or betray the liberties 
of the people, or not take away tithes by a certain time, 
now past, they should then have liberty to say he was a 
rogue and a traitor : he moved therefore that he might be 
permitted to produce his witnesses, who were then present, 
to the particulars before-mentioned *. But the matter was April 2. 
so ordered, that he and some others were fined and im- 
prisoned for their pretended misdemeanours. Another plot 
much more dangerous was about the same time carried on 
by the Royalists, and discovered to him by his spies. 
The persons concerned in it he used with more severity, be- 
cause he accounted them to be of a more formidable party, 
and therefore referred them to be tried by those persons 
whom his last Assembly had nominated to be a High Court 
of Justice. The prisoners were Dr. Hewet, Sir Henry 
Slingsby, and Mr. Mordaunt, with some others of the meaner 
sort. The general charge against them was for endeavour- 
ing to levy war against the Government on the behalf of 

1 On the arrest of Day and his own confession, and that he could 
friends see 'A narrative, wherein is prove it, and bring substantial wit- 
faithfully set forth the sufferings of nesses to prove it. For this seditious 
John Canne, Wentworth Day, &c., language he was indicted, fined^soo, 
published by a friend to the prisoners and sentenced to twelve months' 
and the good old cause they suf- imprisonment. Cf. Thurloe,vii. 5, 18, 
fered for," 410. 1658. When Day 58. He had been arrested previously 
was brought before the Lord Mayor in 1656, and imprisoned for over a 
and asked what he thought of the year for a similar offence. Ib.iv. 321, 
present Government, he answered 343 ; Cal. S. P., Dom. 1656-57, pp. 
that Cromwell was a juggler by his 42, 116. 



4<D Trial of Slingsby and Hewet. 

l6 5 8 Charles Stuart. The particular charge against Dr. Hewet 
was for dispersing commissions from the son of the late 
King, and perswading divers to raise forces by virtue of the 
same. That against Sir Henry Slingsby was for attempting 
to debauch some of the garison of Hull to the service of 
Charles Stuart, and delivering a commission from him to 
them. The prisoners of less note were charged with a design 
of firing the city in several places, at the time appointed 
for their party to be in arms. Dr. Hewet being brought 
before the Court, moved that he might be tried by a jury, 
and demurred to the jurisdiction of the Court. But the 
Court over-ruled his demurrer, and told him, that unless he 
would plead to his charge, they would cause his refusal to 
be entred, and proceed against him as if the fact were 
confessed. This being twice said to him, he was required 
the third time to plead : to which he answered, that if the 
Judges would declare it to be according to law for him to 
plead, he would obey : but he was told that the gentlemen 
then present were his Judges, and that if he would not plead 
they would register his contempt the third time, and upon 
his refusal did so. Mr. Mordaunt admonished by his 
example, pleaded not guilty ; and after a full hearing of the 
witnesses on both sides, the Court acquitted him by one 
voice. Then Sir Henry Slingsby was called to the bar, 
and the witnesses on each side being heard, he was pro- 
nounced guilty, tho in the opinion of many men he had very 
hard measure. For it appeared that he was a prisoner at 
the time when he was charged to have practised against 
the Government ; that he was a declared enemy, and there- 
fore by the laws of war free to make any such attempt ; 
besides it was alledged that the persons, whom he was 
accused to have endeavoured to corrupt, had trapan'd him 
by their promises to serve the king in delivering Hull, if he 
would give them a commission to act for him, which com- 
mission was an old one that had long lain by him. But 
all this being not thought sufficient to excuse him, he 
was adjudged to die. The rest of the prisoners were 

June 8. also condemned, and sentence of death being pronounced, 



Cromwell's spies. 41 

Sir Henry Slingsby and Dr. Hewet had the favour of being 1658 
beheaded ; and the others, being men of a lesser figure, 
were hanged *. Cromwel's daughter and favourite Mrs. 
Cleypole, laboured earnestly with her father to save the 
life of Dr. Hewet, but without success : which denial so 
afflicted her, that it was reported to have been one cause of 
her death, which happened soon after with the concurrence Aug. 6. 
of an ulcer in her womb. 

The usurper, as he was thus prodigal of English blood, so 
was he no less profuse of the publick treasure, in procuring 
intelligence from the royal party abroad. To which end 
he employed one Henry Manning, son to one Col. Richard l6 55 
Manning, a papist, and formerly a colonel in the late King's 
army, where he lost his life. This gentleman he furnished 
with a considerable sum of money, and sent him to the 
place where the son of the late King then resided 2 : where 
when he arrived, he informed the exiles, that he was sent 
thither from some friends in England that desired to have 
their names concealed. But having with him such good 
credentials as ready money, part whereof he gave to Charles 
Stuart, and distributing several lesser sums to his necessitous 
followers, he was easily admitted amongst them. It hapned 
at that time, that a gentleman who had served the late 
King, desired leave from Cromwel to travel, which he ob- 
tained on condition he should not see the King, which he 
promised. Accordingly when he arrived at Colen, if 
I mistake not that was the place, he sent a message to the 
King, that he might be permitted to wait on him at night, 
which was granted ; and having discoursed fully concerning 
the affairs he came about, he took leave, and received 
a letter which he sewed within the crown of his hat. 
Upon his return to England he came with confidence to 

1 Col. Edward Ashton, John Bett- was found out in December, 1655, 

ley, John Sumner, Edmund Stacey and summarily shot by order of 

and Oliver Allen were also executed, Charles II. Thurloe, iv. 269, 290, 

the first two on July 7, the three 293, 718. His examinations, taken 

latter on July 9. when he was seized, are amongst the 

3 Manning began giving informa- Nicholas papers, 
tion to Thurloe in March, 1655. He 



42 Manning discovered and shot. 

1655 Cromwel, and being demanded by him if he had punctually 
performed his promise ? he answered, that he had. But, 
said Cromwel, who was it that put out the candles when 
you spoke to Charles Stuart? 1 This unexpected question 
somewhat startled him ; but Cromwel proceeding, asked 
him, what he said to him ? to which the gentleman answered 
that he said nothing at all to him. Then said Cromwel. 
did he not send a letter by you ? The gentleman denying 
that also, Cromwel took his hat, and having found the 
letter, he sent him immediately to the tower. From thence 
he took the first favourable occasion to acquaint Charles 
Stuart with all that had happened to him relating to this 
affair, assuring him, that one of the three persons who were 
in the room with him at the time above-mentioned, must 
necessarily have betrayed him. Upon this information 
Manning's study was searched, and his correspondence 
being discovered, leave was obtained from the Duke of 
Neuburg to execute him within his territories, and accord- 
ingly he was shot to death 2 . But tho Manning's action was 
base and perfidious, as proceeding from a domestick servant, 
yet by what law he was executed I confess my self utterly 
ignorant. 

After the death of Mrs. Cleypole it was observed that 
Cromwel grew melancholy, and also distempered with 
divers infirmities, particularly a malignant humour in his 

1 In a letter to Sir Edward Nicholas, acknowledge. He persists yet in 

Lord Hatton tells a story very much denial, whereupon Cromwell raised 

resembling this. In 1654, Mr. Henry his threats so high that Seymour 

Seymour, after secretly visiting fell as low as his feet, and there lay 

Charles II, returned to England and begging for his life in much dis- 

boldly sought an interview with traction.' Nicholas Papers, ii. 100. 

Cromwell. 'Cromwell asked him This incident took place before 

what he had done in France, whether Manning entered the service of 

he had seen his master, and wondered Cromwell. 

he could think to elude by the idle a Manning was arrested Dec. 5 

pretexts he gave him for his journey ( n . s.), 1655. He was ' pistolled in 

and return. Seymour denied the a wood near Cologne by Sir James 

sight of his master ; Cromwell told Hamilton and Major Armourer ' a 

him when and where he saw him, f e -w days later. Thurloe, iv. 249, 

and in what rooms, and some things 269, 290,718; Cal. Clarendon Papers, 

that were said, as Seymour doth Hi. 77. 



Cromwell falls ill. 43 

foot ; which hindring him from the exercises of walking or 1658 

riding abroad, he obliged his physicians to endeavour to 

disperse it, which they endeavouring to do, drove it upwards 

to his heart. By this means he became desperately sick ; 

and as some about him had for a long time deceived others, 

so they now endeavoured to impose upon God himself. For 

Dr. Goodwin, his creature and trencher-chaplain, used this 

expression in his prayer during the time of his sickness ; 

' Lord, we beg not for his recovery, for that Thou hast already 

granted, and assured us of, but for his speedy recovery.' At 

this time I was in the county of Essex, and according to 

a former resolution I had taken, went to London to attend 

my father Oldsworth, and to bring him into the country, 

whither he designed to come with my mother Ludlow 1 . On 

the Monday afternoon I set forward on my journey, the Aug. 30. 

morning proving so tempestuous that the horses were not 

able to draw against it ; so that I could reach no farther than 

Eppingthat night. Bythis means I arrived not at Westminster 

till Tuesday about noon, when passing by Whitehall, notice Aug. yr. 

was immediately given to Cromwel, that I was come to 

town. Whereupon he sent forLieutenant-General Fleetwood, 

and ordered him to enquire concerning the reasons of my 

coming in such haste, and at such a time. The Lieutenant- 

General accordingly desired by a message that I would 

come to him the next morning, which I did, and understood 

from him that Cromwel suspected I was come with a design 

to raise some disturbance in the army, and that he was 

desirous to know the occasion of my journey. I assured 

him, that as it was not in my power to cause any commotion 

in the army, so neither was it in my thoughts at this time ; 

and that I came to town in order to bring our family 

together into the country, according to a resolution taken 

a month since, and before I heard of Cromwel's indisposition. 

He then told me, that the Protector had been ill, but that 

it was now hoped he was recovering. I said, that I wished 

him so well, that I was not desirous he should die in the way 

1 A letter from Ludlow's sister shows that his mother was seriously 
ill about this time. See Appendix I. 



44 Richard Cromwell nominated successor. 

1658 he was in at present, and assured him, that I should be glad 
of the prolongation of his life, if he would employ it to 
the publick good, which ought to be more dear to us than 
life it self. 

At Whitehall they were unwilling to have it known that 
he was so dangerously ill ; yet by reason of a clause in the 
Humble Petition and Advice (which was the rule of Govern- 
ment they pretended to act by) that the Protector should 
have power to nominate his successor, the Commissioners 
of the Great Seal attended for signing the declaration of the 
person to be appointed to succeed him *. But whether he 
was unwilling to discover his intentions to leave the suc- 
cession to his son, lest thereby he should, in case of recovery, 
disoblidge others, whom he had put in expectation of that 
power ; or whether he was so discomposed in body and 
mind, that he could not attend that matter ; or lastly, 
whether he would have named or did name any other, is 
to me uncertain. But certain it is that the Commissioners 
Sept. 3. were not admitted till the Friday following 2 , when the 
symptoms of death were apparent upon him, and many 
ministers and others assembled in a chamber at Whitehall, 
praying for him, whilst he manifested so little remorse of 

1 Thurloe writes to Richard Crom- illness disenabled him to conclude 
well on Aug. 30, 1658, saying that it.' Thurloe, vii. 364. 
the Protector had not yet declared 2 On Sept. 4, Thurloe announced 
his successor. 'He did by himself the Protector's death to Henry Crom- 
declare one in a paper before he was well, adding: 'His highness was 
installed by the Parliament, and pleased before his death to declare my 
sealed it up in the form of a letter, lord Richard his successor. He did 
directing it to me, but kept both the it upon Munday.' ' The preceding 
name of the person and the paper to night and not before, in presence 
himself. After he fell sicke at of four or five of his councell,' says 
Hampton Court, he sent Mr. John Fauconberg, ' he declared my lord 
Harrington to London for it, telling Richard his successor; the next 
hym it lay upon his study table at morning grew speechless, and de- 
Whitehall ; but it was not to be parted betwixt three and four in the 
found there or elsewhere though it evening.' Thurloe, vii. 373, 375. 
hath been very narrowly looked for. The continuator of Baker's Chronicle 
And in this condition matters stand, explains this, by describing Crom- 
his highncsse having been too ill to well as nominating Richard first on 
be troubled with a buissnes of this Tuesday, August 31, and then more 
importance. This day he hath had formally on Thursday, Sept. a ^p. 
some discourse about it, but his 652). 



The death of Cromwell. 45 

conscience for his betraying the publick cause, and sacri- 1658 
ficing it to the idol of his own ambition, that some of his 
last words were rather becoming a mediator than a sinner, 
recommending to God the condition of the nation that he 
had so infamously cheated, and expressing a great care of 
the people whom he had so manifestly despised. But he 
seemed above all concerned for the reproaches he said men 
would cast upon his name, in trampling on his ashes when 
dead \ In this temper of mind he departed this life about 
two in the afternoon ; and the news of his death being 
brought to those who were met together to pray for him, 
Mr. Sterry stood up and desired them not to be troubled. 
' For,' said he, ' this is good news ; because if he was of great 
use to the people of God when he was amongst us, now he 
will be much more so, being ascended to heaven to sit at 
the right hand of Jesus Christ, there to intercede for us, 
and to be mindful of us on all occasions V 

Different were the effects that the death of Cromwel 
produced in the nation : those men who had been sharers 
with him in the usurped authority were exceedingly troubled, 

1 See 'A collection of several the late Protector) was with Christ 
passages concerning his late High- at the right hand of the Father ; and 
ness Oliver Cromwell, in the time if he be there, what may his family 
of his sickness, wherein is related and the people of God now expect 
many of his expressions upon his from him ? for if he were so useful 
deathbed, together with his prayer and helpfull, and so much good in- 
two or three days before his death. fluenced from him to them when he 
Written by one that was then groom was here in a mortal state, how 
of his bedchamber' [James Harvey]. much more influence will they have 
4to. London, 1659. The prayer is from him now he is in Heaven ? 
reprinted in Cromwelliana, p. 177, The Father, Son, and Spirit through 
and in Carlyle's Cromwell. him bestowing gifts and graces, &c. 

2 'And together with him that upon them."' And a great deal more 
cringing Court-chaplain Peter Sterry, to this purpose. 'A second narra- 
that also bows to whatever is upper- tive of the late Parliament,' 1658. 
most, speaking higher than all this, The text of this pamphlet varies 
as is credibly reported by several considerably in the several editions 
godly men that heard him to their of it. The reprint in the Harleian 
astonishment : holding forth his Bible Miscellany omits the long append- 
in the chappel of Whitehall, he spake ices. On the utterances of the 
to this purpose: "That if that were Court- chaplains see Robert Baillie's 
the Word of God, then as certainly Letters, iii. 425 ; Memoirs of Sir 
that blessed holy spirit (meaning Philip Warwick, p. 388. 



46 Richard Cromwell proclaimed. 

1658 whilst all other parties rejoiced at it : each of them hoping 
that this alteration would prove advantagious to their 
affairs. The Commonwealthsmen were so charitable to 
believe that the souldiery being delivered from their 
servitude to the General, to which they were willing to 
attribute their former compliances, would now open their 
eyes and join with them, as the only means left to preserve 
themselves and the people. Neither were the Cavaliers 
without great hopes that new divisions might arise, and 
give them an opportunity of advancing their minion, who 
had been long endeavouring to unite all the corrupt 
interests of the nation to his party. But neither the sense 
of their duty, nor the care of their own safety, nor the just 
apprehensions of being overcome by their irreconcilable 
enemy, could prevail with the army to return to their 
proper station. So that having tasted of sovereignty under 
the shadow of their late master, they resolved against the 
restitution of the Parliament. And in order to this it was 
agreed to proclaim Richard Cromwel, eldest son to Oliver, 
Protector of the Commonwealth, in hopes that he, who 
by following his pleasures had rendred himself unfit for 
publick business, would not fail to place the administration 
of the government in the hands of those who were most 
Sept. 4. powerful in the army. Accordingly the proclamation was 
published in Westminster, at Temple-Bar, and at the Old 
Exchange, with as few expressions of joy as had ever been 
observed on the like occasion. This being done, the 
Council issued out orders to the officers of civil justice to 
act by virtue of their old commissions till new ones could 
be sent to them : and that nothing might be omitted to 
fortify the new government, various means were used to 
procure addresses from all parts, which were brought in 
great numbers from the several counties of England. 
Scotland and Ireland 1 y as also from divers regiments of the 

1 A collection of these addresses nations by whom Richard Cromwell 

was made in a pamphlet attributed to was made Lord Protector ; as also 

Vavasour Powell :' A true Catalogue a collection of the most material 

or account of the several places and passages in the several blasphemous, 

most important persons in the three lying, flattering addresses, being 94 



The Protector s funeral. 47 

army. One of the first acts of the new government was, to 1658 
order the funeral of the late usurper; and the Council 
having resolved that it should be very magnificent, the care 
of it was referred to a committee of them, who sending for 
Mr. Kinnersly master of the wardrobe, desired him to find 
out some precedent, by which they might govern them- 
selves in this important affair J . After examination of his 
books and papers, Mr. Kinnersly, who was suspected to be 
inclined to popery, recommended to them the solemnities 
used upon the like occasion for Philip the Second, king of 
Spain, who had been represented to be in purgatory for 
about two months. In the like manner was the body of 
this great reformer laid in Somerset-house : the apartment Sept. 20. 
was hung with black, the day-light was excluded, and 
no other but that of wax tapers to be seen. This scene of 
purgatory continued till the first of November, which 
being the day preceding that commonly called All Souls 2 , 
he was removed into the great hall of the said house, 
and represented in effigie, standing on a bed of crimson 
velvet covered with a gown of the like coloured velvet, 
a scepter in his hand, and a crown on his head. That 
part of the hall wherein the bed stood was railed in, and 
the rails and ground within them covered with crimson 
velvet. Four or five hundred candles set in flat shining 
candlesticks were so placed round near the roof of the hall, 
that the light they gave seemed like the rays of the sun : 

innumber, &c.,' 4to, 1659. The Wilt- Heath in his chronicle states that 
shire address may also be found in the funeral cost 60,000. Crom- 
Mercurius Politicus, Nov. 8-15, 1658. well's body was embalmed, and on 
1 I can find no other authority for Sept. 20 removed to Somerset House, 
this statement about Kinnersley. The public lying in state lasted from 
The State Papers contain very little Oct. 18 to Nov. 23, on which day the 
about Cromwell's funeral, or Kinners- funeral procession to Westminster 
ley's share in it. Cal. S. P., Dom. Abbey took place. A full account 
1658-9, pp. 131, 143, 381. Heath is given in the newspapers, and re- 
and Carrington give long accounts produced in Cromwelliana. 
of the funeral, and a passage in the ' 2 The removal of the Protector's 
' Perfect Politician ' (ed. 1680, p. 280) body on All Souls' Day is not men- 
suggests that the precedents of tioned in the ordinary accounts, 
James the First's funeral were fol- and I have failed to trace Ludlow's 
lowed. Cf. Baker's Chronicle, p. 655. authority for it. 



48 Debates concerning a new Parliament. 

1658 by all which he was represented to be now in a state of 
glory. This folly and profusion so far provoked the 
people, that they threw dirt in the night on his escucheon 
that was placed over the great gate of Somerset-house. 
I purposely omit the rest of the pageantry, the great 
number of persons that attended on the body, the pro- 
Nov. 23. cession to Westminster, the vast expence in mourning, the 
state and magnificence of the monument erected for him, 
with many other things that I care not to remember. 

The necessities of the government daily increasing, it 
was thought expedient to call a Parliament, as they 
termed it. Whereupon the Council being summoned, three 
questions were debated among them. 

ist. Whether the elections should be made by the 
counties, cities, and considerable towns, according to the 
distribution agreed on by the Long Parliament, and 
practised by Cromwel in his time ; or whether they should 
be made by the counties, cities, and boroughs, according 
to the antient law of the land. 

The 2d was concerning the thirty members to serve for 
Ireland, and thirty for Scotland; whether, or how, they 
should be chosen, there having been as yet no distribution 
of powers to elect, as it was ordered there should be in the 
humble Petition and Advice. 

The 3d was touching the writs of summons to be issued 
to those of the Other House. 

For the first, the council learned in the art and mystery 
of the law, advised, that seeing there was a clause in the 
Petition and Advice, that all should be done according to 
law, it was the most safe way to issue out the writs of 
election according to the antient form ; and this method 
after some debate was resolved upon, principally because 
it was well understood that mean and decayed boroughs 
might be much more easily corrupted than the numerous 
counties and considerable cities 1 . The motion for pro- 

1 The nature of the change made form of the elections has been 
is more clearly explained by Bor- changed, and instead of the counties 
deaux in a letter to Mazarin : ' The assembling as before in a body, in 



The elections of December, 1658. 49 

ceeding according to law prevailed with them also in 1658 
reference to the writs for members to serve in the Other 
House, which were accordingly issued out in the same 
form with those that had been formerly sent to the peers. 
The second question touching the members for Scotland 
and Ireland was long debated, the most prudent being of 
opinion, that since writs were to go out in the antient manner 
to elect members to serve for England in Parliament, there 
could be no pretence for those of Scotland and Ireland to 
sit with them : however the majority concluded that mem- 
bers should be chosen for Scotland and Ireland, as had 
been practised in the time of Cromwel, with this proviso, 
that they should not be admitted to sit as such, till the 
consent of those chosen for England were first obtained. 
The time of election drawing near, the Court used their 
utmost endeavours to procure such men to be chosen as 
were their creatures, and had their dependencies on them, 
in which they had no small advantages 1 . For besides the 
power of discountenancing and punishing those that were 
not their friends, they had all the preferments as well 
military as civil in their disposition. The officers of the 
admiralty and navy had a great influence not only upon 
the Cinque Ports, but also upon all sea-towns whatsoever, 
and could press at their pleasure any inhabitant to serve at 
sea, and thereby ruin both them and their families. The 
sheriffs, who generally were men chosen for such purposes, 
contributed no little assistance to their design, by disposing 

one place, and appointing all the turned to ' scrutin d'arrondissement.' 

members, each county is to elect Guizot, Richard Cromwell, i. 274. 

only two and the boroughs and cities l The writs were sent out on 

will choose the rest.' A county ac- Dec. 5. A list of the sheriffs is 

cording to the Instrument of Govern- given in Mercurius Politicus for Dec. 

ment might choose eight or ten 1659, pp. 47,64-85. On the elections 

members at once, as in the cases of in England, seeThurloe, vii. 549, 550, 

Hampshire and Wiltshire. Compare 559,565,572, 574, 581, 585-8,590, 

the description of a Wiltshire election 594,601, 627,633,641. Ontheelec- 

given in vol. i. pp. 388-547. Practi- tions in Scotland, ib. pp. 555, 572-5, 

cally, to use a modern parallel, 583-4, 597, 601, 613, 616, 636, 638. 

the government now abandoned the Ontheelectionsinlreland,ib.pp.54i, 

system of ' scrutin de liste ' and re- 550, 553, 565, 575, 579, 581, 593,600. 

VOL. II. E 



50 The Republicans and the election. 

1658 the writs to whom they pleased, and making themselves 
judges of the fitness and due qualifications of all those who 
should vote at the several elections. 

In the mean time divers persons who continued unshaken 
in their zeal and affection to the Commonwealth, met at 
the house of Sir Henry Vane, where they consulted what 
would be most proper for them to do in case any of them 
should be elected to serve in the approaching assembly : 
and after mature deliberation resolved that if they should 
be fairly chosen, and that no unjust or dishonourable thing 
were required of them, they should accept the employment, 
and therein use the best of their endeavours to serve the 
publick, being perswaded that it is the duty of a good man 
at all times and in all places, when an opportunity offers it 
self, to be useful to his country a . Neither did they think 
that their presence and assistance in such an assembly 
could by any means be interpreted to be an acknowledg- 
ment that they were a Parliament, in prejudice of the 
right of the Long Parliament, which tho under a force, yet 
was never legally dissolved. In consequence of this resolu- 
tion Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Thomas Scot, Mr. Weaver, 
Col. Kendrick, and divers others of known affection to the 

1 'There was a meeting the other steps tobringe in theCommonwealth.' 
day of several commonwealths- men, Thurloe to H. Cromwell, Dec. 1659. 
to wilt, Scott, Weaver, Nevyll, ' I doe not heare,' writes Thurloe on 
Ludlowe, Cole, Blacke, Birch, etc., Jan. 4, ' that Vane and Ludlowe are 
where resolutions were taken, how yet chosen ; but there is noe doubt 
the business should be managed in to be made but they will come in, 
parliament. The first thinge they and soe will Lambert, who stands for 
intend to move is, that all votes it in some three places.' The same 
should be past by a ballating box, day Clarges writes : ' Mr. Scot that 
judgeinge that there will be many missed his being chosen at Ayles- 
Nicodemittes in the house, who bury, is elected with collonel Bridge 
would be of their party if they durst. to serve for Wickham. I doe not 
After this is past, they intend to dis- heare Sir Henry Vane is chosen, 
pute the parts of the Petition and but I was told Harrison might have 
Advice ; as first that the house of had a choice, and refused, pretend- 
lords ought to be approved by the ing a scruple to take the oath re- 
house of comons ; that all the quired by all members before they 
councellought to be alsoe. sdly, that sit. I heare also Mr. Nevill en- 
the house ought to be satisfied of deavours to be chosen in Cornwall.' 
the succession, thinking by these (Thurloe, vii. 550, 588, 590.) 



Vane and Bradshaw elected. 51 

Commonwealth, being chosen to serve, sat in the assembly 1 . 1659 
President Bradshaw was returned by the sheriff for the 
county of Chester ; but some of that county having re- 
turned another person, he was not present at their first 
meetings, the Assembly having made an order, that incase Feb. i. 
of a double return, neither of the competitors should sit till 
the matter should be heard and decided. Great endeavours 
were used by the Court to prevent the election of Sir Henry 
Vane ; and tho their officers refused to return him at Hull 
and Bristol, at both which places it was said he had the 
majority, yet at last he was chosen and returned for the 
borough of Whitchurch in the county of Southampton. 
The people of this place were advised to this choice by 
Mr. Robert Wallop ; at which the Court-faction were so 
enraged, that they had sent a menacing letter to him, 
which was subscribed by most justices of the peace for the 
county, to let him know, that they would oppose his 
election for the shire, if he persisted to recommend 
Sir Henry Vane to the choice of the people. But 
Mr. Wallop despising their threatnings, continued to assist 
Sir Henry Vane, and was chosen for the county in despite 
of them. 

Those that governed at Whitehall had ordered an oath 
to be administred to all such as should be admitted to 
sit in the House, whereby the members were to oblige 
themselves "not to act or contrive any thing against the 
Protector. This oath I was unwilling to take, and there- 
fore declined going into the Assembly ; but being one day 
walking in Westminster-hall, and meeting Sir Walter 
St. Johns, who was one of the persons appointed to 
administer the oath, he asked me why I came not to 
the House. I told him, that tho I had heard divers 
arguments for taking the oath, yet my doubts not being 

1 Col. William Kenrick was mem- 382, 428. Haselrig led off on Feb. 7 

ber for Hythe. For one of his with a speech which lasted all the 

speeches see Burton, iii. 155. morning and consisted of an his- 

Thomas Scot was member for torical review of the events of the last 

Wycombe ; for specimens of his thirty years, 
speeches see Burton, iii. 107 ; ii. 

E 2 



52 Ludlow avoids taking the oatk. 

1659 fully satisfied by them, I had hitherto abstained. Where- 
upon he desired me to meet him in the lobby the next 
morning, promising to carry me in with him, which, said 
he, will create a belief in the House that I have given you 
the oath. Accordingly I attended, but not finding Sir 
Walter there, I went in, and the House being at prayers, 
I stood amongst the rest of the members till they were 
ended, and then went up to the Speaker's chamber, where, 
and in the gallery, I sat with as much privacy as I could. 
Thus I continued to do for about a week, when news was 
brought, to the great mortification of the Court, that Sir 
Henry Vane was chosen to serve in this Assembly for the 
borough of Whitchurch, as was mentioned before. Sir 
Henry being come to town, and informed that I sat in the 
House, he was pleased to make me a visit, and to inquire 
by what means I had procured admission, for he had been 
acquainted with my scruples touching the oath. I assured 
him, that my doubts remained still unsatisfied ; but that 
I had ventured to go into the Assembly, where I sat as yet 
without any interruption. Within a day or two a member 
informed me of an intention in some to complain to the 
House against me for sitting amongst them without the 
qualification of the oath : to which I answered, that it was 
no more than I expected. And accordingly one of the 
Feb. 5. members called Bodurdo, the same day pressed to be heard 
touching a matter which, he said, concerned the very being 
of the House ; having been informed that there sat a person 
amongst them, who had not taken the oath required to be 
administred to every member before his admission 1 . He 
therefore moved the House to inquire into it, and to give 
order that all men that sat there might be upon an equal 
foot. This motion was opposed by some who alledged 
that it was of far less importance than many other things 
that were before them. But Mr. John Trevor, a leading 

1 Burton notes under Feb. 5 : Nevill, and Weaver spoke on behalf 

' Mr.Bodurdaand Mr. Manley moved of Ludlow. Burton's Diary, iii. 

that Major-General Ludlow sat, and 68-76. Cf. Guizot, Richard Crom- 

had not taken the oath.' Scot, well, i. 301. 



The debate on his omission. 53 

man of the Court-party, seconded the former motion, tho 1659 
with much civility and respect, urging that he could not 
but think it very seasonable, and of consequence, considering 
the worth, as he was pleased to say, of the person concerned. 
So the debate was entred upon, and divers gave their 
opinions that the oath should be peremptorily required. 
But Mr. Weaver and some others opposed them, alledging, 
that for the most part oaths proved only snares to honest 
men, it being generally observed, that those who were least 
conscientious in keeping an oath, were the most forward to 
take it. Col. Eyres also informed the House, that he had 
sat in the Long Parliament without taking the oath then 
prescribed, and that he was fully perswaded that my omission 
therein proceeded not from a spirit of opposition, but from 
a real scruple of conscience ; that his case had formerly 
been the same with mine ; and tho no man could question 
my affection to that Parliament, yet I had moved the House 
in his behalf, and was the person nominated by them to 
bring him into the House without taking the oath. This 
debate continuing for two or three hours, was at length 
interrupted by the discovery of a person sitting in the 
House, who had not been elected so to do : his name was 
King, and being called to the Bar, the House demanded of 
him whether he were a member l ? To which he answered, 
that he knew not whether he were or no. For meeting 
with an alderman of London 2 , who asked him if he were 
chosen, he demanded of him the reason of his question : 
whereupon the alderman saying that he had seen the name 
of one King upon the list of returns, he came down to the 
House, and had continued so to do_, that he might not 
be wanting in his duty. This man being ordered to with- 
draw, many of the members willingly left the debate, and 
others did so too from their great zeal against him, supposing 
him to be a dangerous person, because he had been observed 
that morning in the Speaker's chamber to approve and 

1 William King, a vintner of London in 1656, and then knighted 
London. by Cromwell. 

2 Sir John Dethick, Lord-Mayor of 



54 The bill for recognizing Richard Cromwell. 

1659 promote a paper which was there delivered, tending to 
shew the wickedness of the designs that were carrying on 
by the Court-faction, and the necessity incumbent on the 
Assembly to restore the Commonwealth T . So the merits 
of this person having been debated also, and the House 
being informed by one of the members serving for the city 
of London, that the man was distempered in his head 
to that degree, that his relations were often obliged to 
bind him hand and foot, they contented themselves to send 
him to Newgate for a day or two, and then ordered him to 
be discharged. By this means the Assembly was diverted 
from resolving to impose the oath ; and tho they were much 
inclined to get rid of my company, yet partly by finding 
so great opposition, and partly by discovering that there 
were some of another interest which they liked better that 
had not taken it, they were discouraged from resuming 
that debate for the future, tho they did sometimes mention 
it by way of reflection, when I moved any thing displeasing 
to them. 

All men were in great expectation what the resolutions 
of the House would be concerning the government. The 
sounder part of them were very desirous to secure them- 
selves in the two essential points which had been the ground 
of the quarrel between the King and the Parliament, viz. 
the Militia and the Negative Voice, and to establish them 
in the representative of the people, before they should enter 
upon any other business. But whilst these important 
matters were under consideration, Mr. Thurloe a member 
Feb. i. of the Assembly, and secretary to Mr. Richard Cromwel, 
presented them with a declaration ready drawn, wherein 
was contained an acknowledgment of the said Richard 
Cromwel to be Protector, and the Petition and Advice 
to be the rule of government for these nations 2 . This 

1 He distributed a pamphlet in this juncture of affairs. 410, 1659.' 

entitled 'Twenty- Five Queries: Cf. Burton's Diary, iii. 76-78. 
modestly and humbly, and yet sadly a See Burton's Diary, iii. 26, for 

and seriously propounded to the Thurloe's speech, and Thurloe, vii. 

people of England, and their repre- 603, for the draft of the bill. 
sentatives, and likewise to the army 



Debates on the recognition. 55 

action was by impartial men esteemed to be a great injury to 1659 
the Assembly; but he had a sufficient strength amongst them 
to carry him through whatsoever he thought fit to under- 
take, and therefore he was not only defended for what he 
had done, but it was resolved that the declaration should 
be received and debated. Hereupon it was moved that 
the instrument might be produced, wherein, according to Feb. s. 
the Petition and Advice, the successor ought to be 
nominated, and the Great Seal affixed ; but they having 
no such thing to shew, over-ruled that motion. [We] not 
being able to obtain this, and being extremely desirous 
to place the militia in the Parliament, and to make void 
any pretence to a negative voice in a single person, as well 
as to do some other things for the people's safety and welfare, 
the Court-party refused to consent to any thing of that 
nature for the present, craftily insinuating and making large 
promises, that such things as were necessary should be 
done hereafter at a more convenient season 1 . In the next 
place it was desired, that since it appeared the present 
power had no legal foundation, and that it would be most 
safe for the Protector to derive his authority from a right 
source, the words in the declaration of recognizing him 
might be altered for agnizing him ; that so his right might 
appear to be founded upon the consent of the people repre- 
sented in this Assembly. But this proposition, tho inforced 
with many weighty reasons, was rejected as the former had 
been, tho it was thought convenient to divide the House Feb. 14. 
upon it. Upon this success the Court presuming to carry 
all before them, grew unmeasurably insolent, and all that 
could be done was only to lengthen out their debates, and 
to hang on the wheels of the chariot, that they might not 
be able to drive so furiously. By this means time was 
gained to infuse good principles into divers young gentle- 

1 This motion was made by 231,282. For the debate on the word 

Thomas Chaloner, M.P. for Scar- ' recognise,' see Burton, iii. 274. It 

borough. Burton, iii. 128, 263. The was maintained by 191 to 168 votes, 

word 'undoubted' in Thurloe's bill C. J. vii. 603. 
also raised great opposition ; ib. 219, 



56 Royalists expelled from Parliament. 

1659 men, who before had never been in any public assembly, 
in hopes that tho for the present their previous engagements 
should carry them against us, yet upon more mature delibera- 
tion they might discover where their true interest lay. 
Neither were our endeavours without success, for having 
frequently held the House nine or ten days in debate 
before they could come to a question, many gentlemen 
who came to Westminster prepossessed in favour of the 
Court, confessed that the reasons of the Commonwealth- 
party were so cogent, that they were not able to resist 
them 1 . And because all parties had confederated against 
us, we, in order to lessen their numbers, impeached divers 
of them for having been of the King's party, by which 
means we procured some of them to be expell'd, and 
frighted away some others who knew themselves to be 
Feb. 12. in the same condition 2 . The Court to requite us brought 
Mr. Marvin Touchet a Papist, and brother to the Lord 
of Castlehaven, to accuse Mr. Villars, who had voted with 
us, of serving in the King's army; and tho it appeared 
that he was forced so to do by those who had the govern- 
ment of him, he being then but sixteen years of age, and 
that he came into the Parliament's quarters as soon as he 
had an opportunity, yet all that could be said proving not 
sufficient to excuse him, he was likewise voted out from 
the House. The next thing we endeavoured was to remove 
March n. the Scotish and Irish members, who had intruded them- 
selves into the House, and to have the question put, 
' Whether those members chosen by Scotland ought by the 

1 Ludlow, on Feb. 8, made a 2 On Feb. 12, Edmund Jones, M.P. 

speech on the importance of limiting for Brecon, his Highness's Attorney - 

the Protector's control over the General for South Wales, was ex- 

militia, and another on Feb. 14, on pelled from the House as a Royalist 

the words 'recognise' and 'un- delinquent. Burton, iii. 233-241. 

doubted ' in the Declaration ac- Then Robert Villiers, alias Danvers, 

knowledging Richard Cromwell. M.P. for Westbury, was similarly 

Burton's Diary, iii. 145, 282. For expelled ; ibid. 241-249. Thomas 

briefer utterances of Ludlow's during Streete, M.P. for Worcester, was also 

these first debates, see ibid. pp. 68, accused of beingaRoyalistdelinquent. 

195, 231, 237, 247, 249, 345, 434, Burton, iii. 71, 253, 425. 
548. 



The case of the members for Scotland. 5 7 

law of the land to sit as members of this Parliament 1 . 5 1659 
The reasons used to justify the wording of the question in 
this manner were : i. That there was no colour by the 
antient law of the land for their sitting as members of the 
Parliament of England, having always been a distinct 
kingdom from it. 2. That there had been no distribution 
of powers to elect, as was required by the Humble Petition 
and Advice. The Court would by no means permit the 
question to be put in the manner before-mentioned, but 
moved that it might be thus proposed in the following 
words, ' Whether the House thought fit that those returned 
from Scotland should sit as members of this Parliament : ' 
by this means turning a question of right into question of 
conveniency. However, because our question was first 
proposed, we insisted that it might also be first put ; and 
likewise moved, that those sent from Scotland and Ireland 
being the persons concerned in the question, might be 
ordered to withdraw, and not be permitted to sit judges of 
their own case : and this we thought we might with more 
reason demand, because their own party had already waved 
the legality of their election by the form of words they had 
used in the question they proposed : but the pretended 

1 The debate on the sitting of the the Merse, though withdrawing from 

members returned for Scotland the debate for several days, spoke 

began on March u and was con- on behalf of the union (ibid. iv. 187). 

tinued on March 12, 17, 18, 19, 21. The motion for their withdrawal was 

Notable speeches on behalf of the lost on March 18, without a count 

Scotch members were made by being necessary. On the aist, by an 

Clarges, Lockhart, Disbrowe and equally decisive majority, the House 

others. Scot and Weaver had raised decided ' That the members returned 

objections earlier in the session to serve for Scotland shall continue 

against the presence of the Irish and to sit as members during this present 

Scotch members. Burton, iii. 28, parliament.' C. J. vii. 616. Haselrig 

346. Weaver demanded that they moved the addition of the words 

should withdraw 01 be ordered to do ' having no legal right,' but did not 

so (ibid. iv. 165). The ' Scotch,' press it to a division (Burton, iv. 

said Ludlow, 'are here by an 218). The case of the Irish members 

arbitrary power but by no law. . . was discussed on March 22 and 23, 

I am not against taking them into ending in a resolution, passed by 156 

union, but not at this time ' (ibid. iv. to 106, ' that the members returned 

173). John Swinton, who was one for Ireland shall continue to sit as 

of the Scotch judges and represented members in this parliament.' 



58 Scotch and Irish members admitted. 

1659 members for Scotland and Ireland, except only Mr. Swinton 
who modestly withdrew, as they had debated their own case 
with much confidence, so by the support of the Court they 
March 18. resolved to decide it in their own favour. When we saw 
our selves thus overpowered by violence and number, we 
had the question put for leaving out the words, ' by the law 
of the land ; ' which being carried in the affirmative, and 
therefore to be entred in the journal, we let fall words in 
the House to insinuate that they were not a legal Parlia- 
ment, having no countenance from the authority by which 
they acted : and as to their prudential way of admitting 
the Scots and Irish on the account of conveniency, we said 
it would weaken all that should be done by this Assembly, 
whose actions would be weighed and duly considered by 
those that should come into power when they were gone : 
that the laws of this Assembly, tho it were granted that 
they were a legal Parliament, would not bind the people 
of Scotland, who are not governed by the common law of 
England, and therefore that it was unreasonable that those 
chosen by that nation should have any part in making 
laws for the people of England ; and that it was intoler- 
able, that they who had fought against a Commonwealth 
should be consulted with in the framing of our constitu- 
tion, and so vote us out of that with their tongues, which 
they could never fight us out of with their swords 1 . 

March 21. But all our arguments were answered by calling for the 
question, which they carried by a great number of votes, 

March 23. as they did also that for admitting those returned for 
Ireland. 

The Court having overcome these difficulties, doubted not 
to obtain the establishment of their House of Lords, which 
they called the Other House ; and therefore moved for 
recognizing them also. The Commonwealths-men proposed 
that the Assembly would first take into their consideration 
the powers wherewith the Other House should be vested 

1 A good account of the debates of Bethell's The Most Material Debates 
this session, from the republican in that Pretended Parliament called 
point of view, is given in Slingsby by Richard Cromwell. 1680. 



The question of the ' Other H ousel 59 

before they proceeded to the recognition of them, lest our 1659 
qualifying them with the title of a House, and our approba- 
tion of the persons that were to fill it, might be a means to 
procure them more power than otherwise we should think fit 
to give them l . But the Court-party alledged that the 
Other House being already constituted, it was no more in 
the power of the Commons to alter their establishment, than 
in the power of the new House to make any change in that 
of the Commons. Then we endeavoured to shew them the 
unreasonableness of imposing such a House upon the 
nation, telling them, that in antient times those that came 
to Parliament sate there by virtue of the lands they 
possessed, and that he who had twenty fees, each of twenty 
pounds yearly rent, might demand his place in the House 
as an earl ; and that whosoever was possessed of thirteen 
fees, whereof one third part was military, had a right to sit 
in the same House as a baron : that this method continued 
till the greater barons finding themselves overvoted, with- 
drew into a distinct House. But King Henry the Third 
having obtained a victory against the barons, deprived 
them of their antient usages, and permitted none of them 
to come to Parliament without a writ of summons from 
him. We shewed them that the House of Lords antiently 
consisted of persons, on whom the Commons had their 
dependance ; and being for the most part retainers to them, 
were clothed in their liveries : but the balance being now 
altered, and the greatest part of the lands of England 
devolved upon the Commons, they instead of wearing the 
Lords' blew coats, did now give wages to most of those 
who pretended to be members of the Other House. But 
notwithstanding all that could be said, the confederacy for 
them was strong enough to carry all before them, the 
Cavaleerish party, who were very numerous, joining with 

1 Ludlow was specially bitter of the people. If I am alone I would 

against the 'Other House.' It was bear my witness against them. If you 

not ' a proper balance.' The men or they set themselves up against 

who sat there ' have been guilty God, God will blast them.' 
of all the breaches upon the liberty 



60 The declaration for a fast-day. 

1659 them, in expectation that it might prove a good step 
towards the return of the former peerage : so the question 

March 28. was put, ' Whether this House should transact with the 
Other House,' and carried in the affirmative J . We then 
desired, that seeing this House was undeniably more 
honourable in the members of it than the other, and much 
more in relation to those whom they represented, that the 
members of this House might not go to them with 
messages as formerly, unless the members of the new House 
would respectively come to us with their messages ; or, that 
the Masters in Chancery, who were accustomed to be the 
Lords' messengers, might be divided between the two 
Houses for that purpose : but this also was denied, and we 
were told, that a feather might hinder the motion of 
a clock as well as a piece of iron. The subject of our first 
transaction with the Other House was touching a declara- 
tion for a fast, which, by some expressions in it, of taking 
shame to our selves for neglecting to settle the government 
of the church, and having permitted so many erroneous and 
heretical opinions to be divulged, with others of a like 
nature, discovered plainly in what mint it was forged. This 
declaration being agreed to, it was ordered to be carried to 

April 14. the Other House for their concurrence by one Mr. Grove, 
who was accompanied by divers young gentlemen, and 
many of the Cavalier-party, all of them attending like so 
many lackeys at the bar of the Other House, whilst the 
ceremonies of presenting it were performed, which were the 
same that had been formerly used to the peers on the like 
occasion. Those of the Other House were wonderfully 
pleased with this application to them, having waited near 

1 The debates on the recognition of exclude such peers as have been 

the second House and the bounds of faithful to the Parliament, from their 

its power, began on Feb. 19, and privilege of being duly summoned 

ended on March 28, with a vote ' That to be members of that House.' 

this House will transact with the C. J. vii. 605, 621 ; Burton's Diary, 

persons now sitting in the Other iii. 345 ; iv. 86 ; Guizot, Richard 

House as a House of Parliament Cromwell, i. 60-73. The above 

during this present Parliament; and resolution was passed by 198 to 125 

that it is not hereby intended to votes. 



Parties in the Army. 61 

three months for it, and having no business to do, had 1659 
consumed great store of fire to keep them warm at the 
publick charge : yet upon the debate they found not so 
great a unanimity as in the receiving it ; for Mr. Cromwel's 
party and the Presbyterians fell violently upon the Inde- 
pendents and some of the army, concerning some clauses 
therein inserted, as they said, by those of their party. These 
divisions were not confined within the walls of that House, 
but broke out in the army it self, the officers every where 
discovering their jealousies one of another. They were 
divided into three parties, and neither of them much 
superiour to the other in number. One party was known 
to be well affected to the Commonwealth, and consisted 
chiefly of the following officers, viz. Col. Ashfield, Col. 
Lilburn, Col. Fitz, Lieut.-Col. Mason, Lieut-Col. Moss, 
Lieut-Col. Farley, Major Creed, with divers captains and 
other inferior officers. A second party was known by the 
title of the Wallingford House, or army-party, who had 
advanced Mr. Richard Cromwel in expectation of governing 
all as they pleased : of these were Lieu tenant- General 
Fleetwood, Col. Desborough, Col. Sydenham, Col. Clark, 
Col. Kelsey, Col. Berry, Major Haines, treasurer Blackwel, 
and some others. The third party was that of Mr. Richard 
Cromwel, who having cast off those that had taken the 
pains to advance him, joined himself to men that were more 
sutable to his inclinations : such were Col. Ingoldsby, Col. 
Gough, Col. Whalley, Col. Howard, Col. Goodrick, Lieut.- 
Col. Keins, with many others, and more particularly those 
that were officers in the Scots and Irish forces. But his 
Cabinet Council were the Lord Broghil, Dr. Wilkins, and 
Col. Philip Jones. The differences between these parties 
being already very great, were yet much increased by the 
following accident. Col. Whalley, whom Richard had 
lately made Commissary-General of the horse, meeting 
with Col. Ashfield in Westminster-Hall, and discoursing 
with him concerning the Other House, about which their 
sentiments were very different, the Commissary-General 
fell into such a passion, that he threatned to strike the 



62 Col. AshfielcPs quarrel with Whalley. 

1659 colonel, who thereupon daring him to do it, Whalley chose 
rather to make his complaint to Mr. Richard Cromwel. 
Col. Ashfield being summoned to appear, the pretended 
Protector threatned to cashier him as a mutineer, for 
speaking in such a manner to a general officer of the 
army J . But the colonel desiring a fair and equal hearing 
by a council of officers, he was ordered to attend again. 
At the time appointed it was contrived that Col. Gough, 
Col. Ingoldsby, Col. Howard, Lieut.-Col. Goodrick, and 
other creatures of the Court should be present to decide the 
matter in dispute, who unanimously enjoined Col. Ashfield 
to acknowledg his fault, and to ask the Commissary- 
General's pardon for the same : but their endeavours herein 
proved ineffectual, for the colonel denying that he had 
offended the Commissary-General, refused to desire his 
pardon. Another thing happened about the same time 
that proved very disadvantageous to the interest of 
Mr. Richard Cromwel 2 . For a certain inferiour officer 



1 Col. Ashfield commanded one 
of the regiments stationed in 
Scotland. Monck writes to Thurloe 
on March 22, 1658 : ' I am sorry to 
hear that any of the Scotch officers 
should be acting to divide and 
distract you. I could wish you had 
written to me the names of them. 
I heard of Col. Ashfield and my 
lieutenant-colonel [William Gough] ; 
and if there be any more I shall 
desire to hear their names and 
I shall write to them. If they were 
heere these two could signify as 
little as any two officers in Scotland ; 
but I could wish his Highnesse would 
command them away to their com- 
mands, which I think would bee the 
best course.' Thurloe, vii. 638. 

2 The story was told at length in 
' A Second Narrative of the late 
Parliament,' 1658. ' One Cornet 
Sumpner in Col. Ingoldsby's regi- 
ment, knowing the wickedness and 
naughtiness of Major Babington 



(Major thereof) to be such as to 
disown and browbeat the honest 
men in the regiment, and to coun- 
tenance drunkards, lyars, swearers, 
and haters of goodness and good 
men, being for a long time grieved 
thereat in his spirit, at length (by 
the advice of some eminent in the 
Army) drew up several articles to 
present to a court-martial, or else- 
where against him, which your most 
illustrious, serene, and renowned 
Protector, the inheritour of his 
father's vertues, hearing of, sends 
for the Cornet to come unto him ; 
who when he was come, the Major 
and Colonel Ingoldsby, etc. being 
also present, your Joshua, Solomon 
and Elisha, spake after this manner 
to him : Josh. ' ' What ? have you 
articles against your Major ? " Corn. 
"Yes." Josh. "What are they?" 
Corn. " A pretty number of them." 
Then the Major began to answer to 
one, but nothing to the purpose, but 



The Protector and Dick Ingoldsby. 63 

having publickly murmured at the advancement of some 1659 
that had been Cavaliers to commands in the army, he was 
carried to Whitehal to answer for the same. Mr. Richard 
Cromwel, besides other reproachful language, asked him in 
a deriding manner, whether he would have him prefer none 
but those that were godly ? ' Here,' continued he, ' is Dick 
Ingoldsby who can neither pray nor preach, and yet I will 
trust him before ye all.' Those imprudent, as well as 
irreligious words, so clearly discovering the frame and 
temper of his mind, were soon published in the army and 
city of London, to his great prejudice. And from this time 
all men among them who made but the least pretences to 
religion and sobriety, began to think themselves unsafe 
whilst he governed, and thereupon soon formed a resolution 
to use their utmost endeavours to divide the military from 
the civil power, and to place the command of the army in 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood. 

The Wallingford House party finding themselves aban- 
doned by Mr. Richard Cromwel, and being very desirous, 
if not to get the whole power into their hands, yet at least 
to preserve what they were already possessed of, and to 
render themselves formidable, desired to renew a corre- 
spondence with the Commonwealths men, and to that end 
ordered Col. Kelsey, one of their members, to let me know 
that if I would go to Wallingford House, I should meet with 
a friendly reception from the Lieutenant-General and the 

before the Major had done, your go about to undermine me." And 

most serene Protector, or Joshua, clapping his hand upon Colonel 

unjustly takes part with the Major Ingoldsby's shoulder, said, " Go thy 

to help him out, saying to the way, Dick Ingoldsby, thou canst 

Cornet, " You article against your neither preach nor pray, but I will 

Major because he is for me. You believe thee before I believe twenty 

are a company of mutineers (meaning of them." And says he to the Cornet, 

the officers who often met to seek " You never owned my father ; you 

the Lord and bewailed their apostacy have lost your commission and shall 

from the good old cause), you never ride more in this army," and 

deserve a hundred of you to be a great deal more to this purpose.' 

hanged; and I will hang you and On Richard Cromwell's attitude 

strip you as a man would strip an towards ' godly men,' see Thurloe, 

eel ; you talk of preaching and vii. 497. 
praying men ; they are the men that 



64 Ludlow negotiates with the officers. 

1659 rest of the company. Accordingly I went thither, and 
perceiving them to agree that the measures then taken 
would inevitably bring in the common enemy, I could not 
forbear telling them that tho I was heartily sorry for the sad 
consequences such a revolution might bring upon the 
people of England, yet with respect to themselves they had 
merited whatsoever had already happened, or was justly to 
be feared, in that they had advanced a single person over 
us, when it was in their power to put us into a full possession 
of our liberties. However, that I presumed it was not yet 
too late, if they would resolve to join themselves to that 
part of the army who were well-affected to the Common- 
wealth, and who in conjunction with them would in all 
appearance be enabled to restore that government, which 
had cost the nation so much blood to establish. I told 
them that it would be convenient to give some earnest of 
the sincerity of their reconciliation with us in order to 
recover that trust and confidence from the Commonwealth- 
party, which was so necessary to our present undertaking ; 
and to that end proposed that they would support and 
defend Col. Ashfield, who was like to suffer for his affection 
to the Commonwealth. They acquainted me that they had 
already appeared for the colonel, and promised to do him 
the best offices they could in his affair, yet expressed an 
unwillingness to ruin some of their friends who were of 
Mr. Cromwel's party, and particularly named Col. Whalley 1 . 
I replied that if Col. Whalley was so good a man to 
deserve that consideration from them, I perswaded my self 
he would not oppose them ; but if he were otherwise, they 
could not justly be thought worthy of the honour of being 
imployed in the rescue and deliverance of their country, 
who should suffer themselves to be so much governed 
by private interests and engagements. Nothing more of 
moment passed between us in this conversation, except 

1 Whalley was suspected as being regiment was reported to Parliament, 

the late Protector's cousin. On Whalley's appointment as colonel 

August 5, 1659, when a list of was negatived by 29 to 22 votes, 

the officers of Colonel Whalley's C. J. vii. 749. 



A General Council of Officers called. 65 

that they desired to keep a good correspondence with us, 1659 
and to that end moved that they might see Sir Henry Vane 
and Sir Arthur Haslerig, or at least be made acquainted 
with their opinion concerning the publick affairs, and 
receive their advice touching their future proceedings. 
I told them, it was my opinion, that those two gentlemen 
were too prudent to appear publickly in a matter of this 
nature, before full satisfaction that those of Wallingford 
House were in earnest, and had done something that should 
put them past all retreat : yet I promised them to inform 
my self concerning their sentiments, and to advertise them 
from time to time what measures they should think most 
proper to be taken. The next day I acquainted Sir Henry 
Vane and Sir Arthur Haslerig with what had passed, and 
they approved the way that was proposed, and promised 
that when they saw it seasonable they would be ready to 
assist them in all things tending to the publick service. 
With this answer I went to Col. Sydenham, and desired 
him to impart it to the rest of the company at Wallingford 
House ; and then asking him concerning their proceedings, 
he told me they designed to procure a General Council of 
Officers to be called, which if they could effect, he hoped it 
would be of great advantage to their affairs. After two or 
three days some of the principal of the party finding 
Mr. Cromwel alone, took the opportunity to perswade him 
of the necessity of calling a General Council of Officers, in 
order to present something to the House for the regulation 
and maintenance of the army; he not suspecting their 
design, consented to the proposition, and having issued out 
an order to that purpose, a General Council of Officers met J . 

1 On Wednesday, April 6, a depu- the danger of the cause from the 
tation of officers presented to the activity of the Cavaliers, and pro- 
Protector an address entitled ' The fesses great fidelity to the Protector, 
humble representation and petition ' This address,' says Mercurius 
of the General Council of the officers Politicus for March 31- April 7, 
of the armies of England, Scotland 'was received by his Highness with 
and Ireland,' which is printed in a very great affection and respect 
the 'Public Intelligencer' for April to the whole body of officers which 
11-18. It complains of the army's presented it, using many expressions 
needs for want of its pay, and of of tenderness and endearment to 
VOL. II. F 



66 The first meeting of the General Council. 

1659 Both parties endeavoured to take advantage of this meeting, 
and the lightest vessels being usually most noisy, the Irish 
officers first moved that the council would petition the 
House that the Protector might be declared general of the 
army, as the only means to put an end to the divisions that 
were amongst them * : but this motion found so little 
approbation, that the Court party began to doubt of their 
success at this meeting, and had much more reason so to do, 
when they heard the hum that was given upon a proposition 
made to this effect, that it would be more advantagious to 
the army, and more conducing to the good of the nation, if 
the military and civil power might be placed in different 
hands, that the one might be a balance to the other. The 
temper and inclinations of the council being thus tried, they 
were adjourned to another day. In the mean time the 
party of Wallingford House beginning to appear more 
publickly, Col. Desborough and Col. Sydenham sent an 
officer to desire me to give them a meeting in the chamber 
where the committee for the army usually sate, and to bring 
with me two or three persons, in whose affections to the 
publick I had the most confidence. Accordingly I made 
choice of Col. Dixwel, and my cousin Mr. Wallop, and with 
them went to the place appointed, where our discourse 
tended chiefly to give reciprocal assurances of our resolution 
to join together in order to promote the publick good, 
promising to use our endeavours to remove all doubts and 
scruples that might remain in any of us, that by a mutual 
trust and confidence in each other, we might be the better 



them as the old friends of his common enemy.' Richard trans- 
renowned father, and the faithful mitted the address to the Parliament 
servants of the public interest of on April 18. Burton's Diary, iv. 479. 
these nations, in the maintenance This was the fruit of the first meet- 
whereof he resolved to live and die ing of the council. Guizot, Richard 
with them, &c. In a word, so great Cromwell, i. 351. 
a satisfaction appeared on either * Possibly the story told in 
side at this meeting, as that it Morrice's life of Orrery should be 
speaks nothing less than a vigorous referred to this meeting. Orrery 
asserting of the present government, State Papers, 1743, i. 54. 
to the terror and confusion of the 



Parliamentary votes against the Council. 67 

enabled to prevent the return of the common enemy. 
The second time the General Council of Officers met, they 
went a step farther, and declared their apprehensions, that April 14. 
the common cause was likely to be ruined by the subtilty 
and artifices of those who had never been able to do it by 
open force ; and therefore desired that the command of the 
army might be intrusted to the care of some fit person, in 
whom they might all confide \ This proposition found so 
general an approbation, that it was impossible for the courtiers 
to resist the stream, and so the meeting was adjourned to 
another day. In the mean time Mr. Cromwel and his party 
were exceedingly alarm'd at these proceedings ; and not 
daring to trust to their own authority in this matter, they 
contrived it so as to engage the Parliament in their defence. 
Accordingly some members of the Commons House charged 
the council with mutinous words there spoken against the 
government, and against the resolutions of the Parliament 
it self. This accusation was so well seconded, that the 
House resolved to dissipate the storm, and to that end April 18. 
passed a vote, that the officers of the army should no more 
meet as a General Council. Yet for all this they met again 
at the time appointed, in order to proceed in their design : 
but the House having notice of it, and being very desirous 
to enable Mr. Cromwel to make their vote effectual, 
declared him to be general of their army, authorizing him 
to disperse the officers to their respective charges, to 
remove from their commands such as should disobey, and 
to place others in the room of them. They also voted it to 
be high treason in the officers to meet in council contrary 



1 The second meeting took place the demand for a commander-in- 

on April 13. Mercurius Politicus chief seems to have been made, but 

says : ' The officers of the armies the question was adjourned to a 

of the three nations which are in third meeting to take place a week 

town had a solemn meeting to later, and a committee of twelve 

humble themselves 1 before Go.d-Jbo officers was appointed to consider 

seek his blessing in reference^i(k it in the interim. Guizot, Richard 

their own affairs, where the work Cromwell, i. 363. Cf. Thurloe, viii. 

of the day was carried on by several 655. 
ministers.' At this second meeting 

F 2, 



68 The Protector dissolves the Council of Officers. 



1659 to their order, and promised to cause the arrears of those 
that should yield obedience, to be forthwith paid, with 
assurances to take care of them for the future. Mr. Richard 
Cromwel having notice of these votes, immediately went to 
the place where the Council of Officers was assembled ; and 
having informed them of what had passed, he told them 
that he expected their present obedience. The officers not 
being then prepared to dispute his commands, withdrew 
themselves 1 , but the chief of them continued their meetings 
in a more private manner, making use of all means im- 
aginable to oblige Mr. Richard Cromwel to a compliance 
with them : but he relying on the strength of his new 
friends, refused to hearken to them ; so that they perceived 
it to be high time to provide for the security of themselves. 
Information being given at Court that something extra- 
ordinary was in agitation, the Protector Richard sent 



1 Anthony Morgan, writing to 
Henry Cromwell on April 19, gives 
the following account of Richard's 
conduct : ' Yesterday his Highness 
ordered that all the officers who had 
met at Wallingford House should 
attend him at three after noon 
in Whitehall, where he told them 
(as I was informed by one present 
there) that he had acquainted the 
Parliament with their representa- 
tion, that the desires in it were 
under their consideration, that it 
was not needful they should continue 
their meetings in expectation of an 
answer. That therefore they should 
not meet on Wednesday next as 
they had appointed, but should all 
repair to their charges ; he added 
two reasons, one that many members 
of Parliament were dissatisfied with 
such meetings sitting the Parliament. 
The other that the Cavaleer was 
arming in order to some new 
attempts. Gen. Disbrowe replied 
he wondered that any honest man 
should be offended at their meetings 
to regulate disorders among them- 



selves ; his Highness affirmed his 
first order and withdrew. General 
Disbrowe and diuers others went 
out with him towards his chamber, 
as they went General Disbrowe said 
to his Highness, "But sir, the meeting 
is not dissolved for all this, for they 
adiorned themselves to a meeting at 
Wallingford house, and not to this 
place." His Highness replied, " Sir, 
I say they shall not meet there nor 
any where else." Coll. Ashfeild 
steps in and said, " Sir, this sudden 
order will put us to great incon- 
veniences, and when wee come to 
our soldiers without mony wee shall 
not know what to say to them, 
besides there are divers officers but 
newly come to town." His Highness 
replied, " Sir, you of all men have 
least reason to except against this 
order, having been two years from 
your command, and I believe those 
who came lately to town will be 
willinger to returne then those who 
havebeen longer here.'" Lansdowne 
MSS. 822, f. 275. 



The mutiny of the Army. 69 

a message to Lieut-General Fleetwood to come to him ; 1659 
but the messenger returned without an answer. Then he 
ordered some of the guard to be sent for him, but they 
desired to be excused. The Lieutenant-General having 
notice of this design, retired to St. James's, where many 
officers of the army resorting to him, it was concluded 
between them, that the whole army should rendezvouz at 
St. James's. The news of this resolution being brought to 
Mr. Cromwel, he also appointed a counter-rendezvouz to be 
at the same time at Whitehal. Accordingly Col. Gough 
sent orders for his regiment to march to Whitehal ; but the 
major had already prevailed with them to draw to St. 
James's. Three troops of Col. Ingoldsby's horse marched 
also to St. James's, with part of two more, so that he had 
only one entire troop of his regiment to stand by him. 
Col. Whalley's regiment of horse for the most part left him, 
and went off to St. James's, which he seeing, opened his 
breast, and desired them to shoot him. Col. Hacker's 
regiment of horse being drawn up near Cheapside, Mr. 
Cromwel sent a message to the colonel, with an order to 
require him forthwith to march to Whitehal ; but he 
excused himself, and said that he had received orders from 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood to keep that post. Many 
also of Richard's own guard went to St. James's, and most 
of those that staid with him, declared they would not oppose 
any that should come to them by order from Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood. Thus here was a general without an 
army, and divers great officers without souldiers ; who 
having boasted of their interest in the army, and having 
thereby led the House into their late rash proceedings, now 
being utterly disappointed in their hopes and expectations, 
knew not what to advise, or what to do. About noon Col. 
Desborough went to Mr. Richard Cromwel at Whitehal, 
and told him that if he would dissolve his Parliament, the 
officers would take care of him ; but that, if he refused so 
to do, they would do it without him, and leave him to shift 
for himself. Having taken a little time to consider of it, 
and finding no other way left to do better, he consented to 



70 The dissolution of the Parliament. 

1659 what was demanded *. This great alteration was made with 
April 12. solittlenoise,thatveryfewwerealarm'datit. Thenextmorn- 
ing the House met, and divers members made extravagant 
motions, rather, as was supposed, to vent their own passions, 
than from any hopes of success : for whatever were the 
resolutions that had been made by the Court junto, they 
could not suddenly be brought to a vote, because the 
contrary party was considerably increased by this change 
of affairs. Few of the House knew of the resolution taken 
to put a period to them, or if they did, were unwilling to 
take notice of it ; so that when the usher of the Black Rod, 
who attended the Other House, came to let the serjeant at 
arms know that it was the pleasure of the Protector that the 
House of Commons should attend him at the Other House, 
many of them were unwilling to admit the serjeant into the 
House to deliver the message ; but the Commonwealth 
party demanded, and obtained, that he should give the 
House an account of what the gentleman of the Black Rod 
had said to him 2 . The Assembly being under this con- 

1 Foreign accounts are more explicit rather than grant the demand which 
than English on the circumstances was made of him. This refusal 
of Richard Cromwell's fall. See the obliged General Desborough to come 
letter of M. de Vaux, Cal. State to threats, and to inform him that he 
Papers, Dom., 1658-9, p. 335 ; and was not in a position to defer even 
Bordeaux's despatch of May 5. for an hour the execution of any 
Guizot, Richard Cromwell, i. 370. resolution the army had adopted. 
Baker's Chronicle, p. 659, describes On this His Highness seeing that the 
Richard as obstinately refusing for necessity was inevitable, and that 
' a great while ' to sign the commis- those who were with him were of 
sion for the dissolution of the Par- opinion that he must submit to force, 
liament, ' till Desborough insolently after having again expressed his dis- 
told him, it should be done without pleasure and repugnance, promised 
him, and urged by threats and im- that which he was unable to refuse.' 
portunities he at length consented to 2 Of the debates of Parliament on 
do it.' Bordeaux says : ' Although Friday, April 22, nothing is known, 
the Protector was aware of this The journals of the Commons are ex- 
general alienation, and his friends tremely meagre and Burton's Diary 
had scarcely been able to find 200 closes on April 21. Bordeaux says 
men in the whole army who were that some members ' proposed that 
disposed to back him, he nevertheless the officers of the army should be de- 
exhibited great firmness, and de- clared traitors ; others that the pro- 
clared he would suffer any violence tection of the City of London should 



The first steps of the Army. 71 

fusion, adjourned themselves till eight of the clock the next 1659 
morning ; but care was taken to prevent their meeting 
again by publishing a proclamation, declaring them to be 
dissolved, by setting a padlock on the door of the House, 
and by placing a guard in the Court of Requests, with 
orders to refuse admittance to all those that should demand 
it. The army having broken this Assembly, were not so 
unanimous in resolving what step to take next. The chief 
of them were most inclined to patch up some agreement 
with Mr. Richard Cromwel, if they could effect it with 
advantage to themselves. In the mean time they per- 
mitted the ordinary course of justice to run in his name, 
whilst they themselves disposed of the offices of the army 
at their pleasure, removing such as had appeared active 
against them at the time of their general rendezvouz, and 
filling the vacancies with their own creatures. They took 
Major-General Lambert into their councils, and restored 
him, together with Col. Packer, and Capt. Gladman, to 
their several commands l . Sir Charles Coot went post for 
Ireland to carry the news of this great alteration to 
Col. Henry Cromwel, and to consult what might be done to 
continue their reign. Col. Henry Ingoldsby hastned after 

be demanded and that the House Colonels Ingoldsby, Howard, the 

should remove its meetings thither. Lord Faulconbridge, and Colonel 

The Presbyterians among others ap- Bridge from theirs ; Col. Norton they 

peared very animated, and General displaced from the government of 

Fairfax was highly indignant : some Portsmouth, which they gave to Col. 

Republicans also affected dissatis- Whetham, and made Col. Edward 

faction ; but no conclusion was Salmon governor of Hull in the 

arrived at, as many of the members room of Col. Smith To Col. 

desired and had secretly promoted the Sanders they gave the Protector's 

dissolution of the Parliament, because regiment of horse; to Col. Rich 

they found it was too blindly devoted that of Ingoldsby ; to Sir Arthur 

to the Protector's interest.' Guizot, Haslerig Col. Howard's regiment of 

i. 372. The proclamation for the foot with the government of Berwick, 

dissolution is dated April 22, and Carlisle and Tinmouth : to Lambert 

was printed April 23. they gave the Lord Faulconbridge's 

1 Phillips, in his continuation of regiment, and to Okey that which 

Baker's Chronicle, summarises these was his own before, which was 

changes. ' At a meeting of a general lately commanded by Col. Bridge.' 

council of officers, they removed the p. 660. 
Protector from his regiment, and the 



72 Reception of the change in Scotland and Ireland. 

l6 59 him on the same account * ; and soon after their arrival, all 
possible care was taken to maintain themselves. To that 
end Sir Charles Coot was sent into Connaught, Lieutenant- 
Col. Flower into Ulster, the lord Broghil into Munster ; and 
the troops they most confided in were ordered to march 
towards Dublin. This being done, a council of officers was 
called together by Col. Cromwel, and a proposition made 
to them that they would declare themselves ready to stand 
by and defend Mr. Richard Cromwel ; which they declined 
to do at that time, desiring to see what course would be 
taken by the army in England before they should declare 
themselves 2 . In England there were not wanting some 
who endeavoured to support this tottering government ; 
but finding themselves hopeless of success in or about 
London, they resolved to act their parts farther off. In 
order to this they made choice of the north, principally by 
reason of the neighbourhood of Scotland, where the forces 
were commanded by Colonel George Monk, a person of an 
ambitious and covetous temper, of loose, or rather no 
principles, and of a vicious and scandalous conversation. 
The chief instruments made use of in this design were the lord 
Falconbridg and Col. Howard, who, tho they had attended 
on Lieutenant-General Fleetwood before they began their 
journey, to assure him of their resolutions to acquiesce, yet 
had both tampered with their regiments, in order to fit 
them to their purposes, and also held a correspondence 

1 Col. Henry Ingoldsby (1622- 1660, pp. 12, 19. On Dec. 28, 1659, 
1701) was the younger brother of he (not his brother Richard) was 
Richard Ingoldsby, and represented thanked by Parliament for securing 
the counties of Kerry, Limerick, and Windsor Castle. C. J. vii. 798. 
Clare in the Parliaments of 1654, A letter from him to the Parliament, 
1656, and 1659. He married a dated Feb. i, 1660, is printed in 
daughter of Sir Hardress Waller, and Grey's Examination of Neal's Puri- 
was in 1659 governor of Limerick. tans, iv. 143. It concerns the re- 
He was said to have boasted that he modelling of the Irish army and the 
would withstand the new republican undoing of Ludlow's work, 
government ' to the wearing out of 2 On the reception of the news of 
his old shoes,' but Ludlow displaced this revolution in Ireland, see Cal. 
him from the command of his regi- S. P., Dom., 1659-60, pp. 12, 19; 
ment, and put Col. Robert Barrow Thurloe, vii. 674, 683, 686. 
in his place. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659- 



The divisions of the Walling ford House party. 73 

with Col. Monk, who was not a little suspected by the con- 1659 
federated officers of Wallingford House. 

The Wallingford House party, who had thus possessed 
themselves of the supreme power, were every day pressed 
from all parts, and especially from the city of London, to 
restore the Long Parliament, as the only means to satisfy 
the people, and to establish an equal and just government 
amongst us in the way of a Commonwealth *. Neither 
were there wanting divers officers of the army, who 
positively declared that they would not rest contented 
with any thing less 2 . Besides, the Commonwealth-party 
had absolutely refused to hearken to any propositions of 
accommodation with Mr. Rich. Cromwel, and great 
endeavours had been used by the son of the late King 
in conjunction with the Presbyterians to raise tumults and 
insurrections in England. To which may be added, the 
great probability that appeared of a peace to be concluded 
speedily between France and Spain, who would then be 
at leisure to assist the common enemy. These things 
being seriously considered by those of Wallingford House, 
and finding themselves destitute of all other means to 
supply the necessities of the army and navy, they were 
compelled at last to admit the debate of the restitution of 



1 'The humble Representation of Fleetwood and Desborough will 

divers well affected persons of the have all the authority ; that the 

City of Westminster,' addressed to Council will continue to act, and 

Fleetwood, April 25. that another Parliament will be 

3 Fleetwood and Desborough summoned, that will manifest a 

wished to retain Richard as Pro- greater desire for the public good, 

tector with strictly limited powers. Others believe that the Common- 

The inferior officers were eager for wealth will be again established, as 

the restoration of the Long Parlia- most of the inferior officers of the 

ment and for a Commonwealth, and army desire that form of govern- 

the leaders were obliged to give way. ment; that they have even begun 

On the dissensions in the army, see already to entertain suspicions of 

Baker, 659-660 ; Thurloe, vii. 666 ; their chief because they believe him 

Guizot, i. 373-387. ' Many are per- to have other inclinations ; and that 

suaded,' writes Bordeaux on May 5 they have appointed agitators, as in 

(i. e.April25,EnglishstyIe),'thatthe former times, for the preservation 

Protector will remain in his place, at of their interests." 
least for some time ; that Generals 



74 Negotiations with members of Long Parliament. 

1659 the Long Parliament amongst other propositions that were 
under their consideration. They also restored some 
officers to their commands who had suffered for their 
affections to the Parliament ; and amongst others Col. 
Okey and Col. Saunders, who had been cashiered by 
Oliver Cromwel on that account. The proposition of 
restoring the Parliament met with great opposition from 
many of those that had tasted the sweetness of power and 
profit under the late usurpation of the Cromwels, and who 
feared a more equal distribution of things ; and therefore 
they every where affirmed that there was not a sufficient 
number of members left to make up a Parliament. Here- 
upon Dr. John Owen x having desired me to give him a list 
of their names, I delivered him one, wherein I had marked 
those who had sat in the House since the year 1648 and 
were yet alive, amounting to the number of about one 
hundred and sixty. The doctor having perused it, carried 
it to those at Wallingford House, who for the reasons 
before-mentioned appointed a committee of their associates 
to treat with some members of that Parliament, in order 
to a clearing of some particulars which seemed most 
considerable to them, before they should proceed to 
a final determination in this great affair. The place of 
April 29. meeting was Sir Henry Vane's house at Charing-Cross ; 
the persons of and from the army were Major-General 
Lambert, Col. John Jones, Col. Kelsey, Col. Berry, &c. 
Those of the Parliament were Sir Henry Vane, Sir Arthur 
Haslerig, Major Saloway and my self. The things de- 
manded by those of the army were, 

1. To be secured by an act of indemnity for what was 
past. 

2. That some provision of power might be made for 
Mr. Richard Cromwel, as well as for the paiment of 
his debts, and future subsistence in a plentiful manner, 

1 On John Owen's share in these when its restoration was solemnly 

events, see Orme's Life of Owen, celebrated. Old Parliamentary His- 

pp. 277-281. He preached before tory, xxi. 381. 
the Parliament on May 8, 1659, 



The demands of the officers. 75 

they having promised to take care of him in these par- 1659 
ticulars. 

3. That what should stand in need of regulation both in 
the law and clergy, should be reformed and amended. 

4. That the government of the nation should be by 
a representative of the people, and by a select senate l . 

For the first, it was thought reasonable that something 
of that nature should be done, as well to gratify those who 
should contribute to our return, as for our own future 
peace and quiet. 

Touching the second proposition concerning a provision 
to be made for Mr. Richard Cromwel, we said, that tho 
the Parliament and nation had been greatly injured by the 
interruption they had received, yet seeing those that were 
at present in possession of the power had engaged to make 
some provision for him, we were contented for our selves, 
that those debts which he had contracted on the public 
account should be paid, that so he might be enabled to 
subsist comfortably : but that we could by no means 
consent to continue any part of his late assumed power 
to him, neither could we believe that such a proposition 
would ever be hearkened to by the members of the 
Parliament if they should come together. 

The third proposition was easily agreed to, all of us 
declaring that we would use the utmost of our endeavours 
to rectify and reform whatsoever should appear to be amiss 
either in Church or State. 

In the fourth proposition we found a greater difficulty, 

1 Bordeaux writes on May ^f to the Parliament, which was but 

that the army demanded a select little inclined to create a senate 

senate because it desired, ' in order to which it would be necessary to 

avoid a sudden transition from one compose of officers of the army, 

form of government to the other, to who have authority enough in other 

propose a form of government some- respects ; it has been deemed more 

what approaching to that which has expedient to institute a Council of 

been destroyed. . . . But Sir H. Vane State.' Guizot, i. 383. The demands 

and three other eminent Republicans, of the army are contained in their 

in a conference which they had with address of May 12. See Cal. S. P., 

the leaders of the army, persuaded Dora., 1658-9, p. 345 ; Old Parlia- 

them to leave the whole matter mentary History, xxi. 400. 



76 No treaty formally concluded. 

1659 not being all of the same opinion with respect to that part 
of it relating to the senate. Whereupon finding that out 
of a desire to avoid any thing that might prove an 
obstruction to the return of the Parliament, or possibly 
from an inclination in some to the thing it self, there was 
an intention by a general silence about that matter, to give 
them hopes of our compliance ; therefore that they might 
have no just occasion to say hereafter, that we had dealt 
doubly with them, keeping fair in that particular before 
our admission, and after we were admitted, declaring 
against it, I thought it my duty to let them know, that if 
by a select senate they understood a lasting power, co- 
ordinate with the authority of the people's representative, 
and not chosen by the people, I could not engage to 
promote the establishment of such a power, apprehending 
that it would prove a means to perpetuate our differences, 
and make it necessary to keep up a standing force to 
support it. But if they proposed to erect such an authority 
only for a short time, and in order to proceed with more 
vigour to an equal and just establishment of the Common- 
wealth, I presumed it might be very useful, and that the 
people would readily acquiesce when it should be evident 
that it was designed to no other end than to prevent them 
from destroying themselves, and not to enslave them to 
any faction or party. After four or five hours' debate 
concerning these particulars, we desired them to consider 
that whatsoever had been said by us in this conference, 
ought only to be taken as proceeding from private men, 
and that we durst not presume to promise any thing on 
the part of the Parliament. However we encouraged them 
to hope, that if we four joined in proposing any thing in 
the House for the public good, we might probably bring 
it to effect. At the conclusion of our conversation Major- 
General Lambert assured us, that he would represent to 
the General Council what had passed between us as fairly 
and with as much advantage as we could desire *. After 

1 In the 'Declaration of the General give their account of these con- 
Council of Oct. 27, 1659,' the officers ferences. They say that having set 



The Long Parliament to be restored. 77 

three or four days the same company met again at the l6 59 
same place, where those that were employed by the council 
of officers declared the resolution of themselves, and of 
those they represented, to be, that the Parliament should 
be restored, and thereupon pressed us that the members 
might meet with all possible expedition, being perswaded 
that delays in a matter of such importance might hazard 
the success of all. Therefore it was resolved that notice 
should be given to such members as were in town to meet 
on the Thursday following at Mr. Lenthal their Speaker's 
house, and that the officers of the army should come 
thither, and there acquaint us with the desires of the army. 
At the time appointed about sixteen of us went to the May 6. 
Speaker's house, and having informed him of the cause of 
our coming, he began to make many trifling excuses, 
pleading his age, sickness, and inability to sit long *. Soon 
after the committee from the General Council came, and 



forth their principles in ' some pre- 
vious meetings, with some worthy 
and leading members of that House, 
who, upon debate with us, approved 
of the principles aforesaid, and com- 
municated them to divers of their 
fellow members,' they were per- 
suaded ' that not only old displeasures 
would have been forgotten, but that 
the single welfare and settled 
government of this Commonwealth 
would have been onely aimed at ; 
and (as by one of the chief amongst 
themselves was exprest) having in 
two months or thereabouts settled 
the government of these nations, go 
up with Moses to Mount Nebo and 
die.' 

1 This interview took place on 
Friday, May 6, not on the previous 
day. Mercurius Politicus, under 
May 6, gives the following account : 
' It was ordered by the Lord Fleet- 
wood and the General Council of the 
Officers of the Army that their 
Declaration should be printed and 



published, entituled, " A Declaration 
of the Officers of the Army, inviting 
the Members of the Long Parlia- 
ment who continued sitting till the 
20 of April 1653 to return to the 
exercise and discharge of their 
trust "... With the said Declaration 
in writing, the Lord Lambert and 
many other principal commanders 
of the Army went this evening to 
the Rolls in Chancerie-Lane, where 
it was by them presented to the 
Speaker. After their departure, 
many of the most eminent members 
of Parliament came also, and gave 
a visit to the Speaker to signifie 
their intent to return to the exercise 
and discharge of their trust according 
to the invitation given them by the 
officers of the Army, and they de- 
clared the purpose of the members 
to meet to-morrow morning by eight 
of the clock in the Painted Chamber, 
there to consider and resolve about 
the sitting of the Parliament.' Cf. 
C. J. vii. 644. 



78 The excuses of the Speaker. 

1659 Major-General Lambert in the name of the rest acquainted 
the Speaker, that in order to reconcile our differences, and 
to unite all those that were well affected to the publick, it 
was the desire of the army that the Parliament would 
return to the discharge of their duty according to the trust 
reposed in them by the people of England, promising to 
stand by them, and serve them to the utmost of their 
power. The Speaker, who had been lately at Court, where 
they had prevailed with him to endeavour to render this 
design, which they feared above all things, ineffectual ; 
and on the other hand being unwilling to lose his late 
acquired peerage, renewed his former excuses, with this 
addition, that he was not fully satisfied that the death of 
the late King had not put an end to the Parliament. To 
this it was answered, that by a law made by an undisputed 
authority, the Parliament could not be dissolved without 
their own consent, which had never yet been given. And 
therefore they desired him, as he valued the peace and 
happiness of the nation, to send his letters to such members 
as were about the town, requiring them to meet the next 
morning in the Lords' House, in order to resume their 
places in the House of Commons so soon as they might 
make up a quorum. He replied, that he could by no 
means do as we desired, having appointed a business of 
far greater importance to himself, which he would not omit 
on any account, because it concerned the salvation of his 
own soul. We then pressed him to inform us what it 
might be : to which he answered, that he was preparing 
himself to participate of the Lord's Supper, which he re- 
solved to take on the next Lord's-day. Upon this it was 
replied, that mercy is more acceptable to God than sacri- 
fice, and that he could not better prepare himself for the 
foresaid duty, than by contributing to the publick good. 
But he resolving to perform some part of his promise to 
Mr. Richard Cromwel, would not be perswaded to send 
letters to the members, as it was desired. So that we 
found our selves obliged to tell him, that the service of the 
publick had been too long obstructed by the will of single 



The Long Parliament resumes its sittings. 79 

persons ; and that if he refused to issue out his letters to l659 
the members, we would cause it to be done by other 
means a : and thereupon gave orders to such clerks as we 
then had there ready for that purpose, to draw directions 
for the messengers who were to summon the members, 
and to divide the list amongst them, in such a manner as 
might best provide for the expedition of the business. 
In the morning about thirty members being come, and May 7. 
the number increasing continually, the Speaker, who had 
appointed his spies to bring him word whether we might 
probably make up a House or not, being informed that 
we wanted not above three or four, notwithstanding the 
salvation of his soul, thought it time to come to us, and 
soon after the requisite number was compleated. About 
twelve a-clock we went to take our places in the House, 
Mr. Lenthal our Speaker leading the way, and the officers 
of the army lining the rooms for us, as we passed through 
the Painted Chamber, the Court of Requests, and the lobby 
it self, the principal officers having placed themselves 
nearest to the door of the Parliament-House, every one 
seeming to rejoice at our restitution, and promising to live 
and die with us. The same day the House appointed 
a Committee of Safety 2 , with authority to seize and secure 
such as might justly be suspected of any design to disturb 
the publick peace, and also to remove such officers of the 

1 The form of letter sent to of May 7^1659.' It was then referred 
summon absent members, which was to such of the Committee of Safety 
drawn by Henry Marten, is printed as were members of Parliament ' to 
in C. J. vii. 645. consider of fit persons to be settled 

2 The Committee of Safety was in civil and military employments, 
appointed May 7, and on May 9 that may be qualified according to 
Parliament declared ' that all such as the declaration now passed ; and to 
shall be in any place of trust or report the names of such persons to 
power in this Commonwealth be the Parliament for their allowance 
able for the discharge of such trust; and approbation.' On May n the 
and that they be persons fearing Committee of Safety presented a 
God ; and that have given testimony report recommending the appoint- 
of their love to all the people of ment of five commissioners to 
God ; and of their faithfulness to the nominate the officers of the army, 
cause of this Commonwealth accord- which was done on May 13. C. J. 
ing to the declaration of Parliament vii. 646-650. 



8o The Committee of Safety. 

1659 army as they should think fit, and to fill their places with 
others, till the Parliament should take farther order there- 
in. The persons constituted to be of that committee were 
Sir Henry Vane, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Lieutenant-General 
Fleetwood, Col. Sydenham, Major Saloway, Col. John 
Jones, and my self. These were of the House, and to 
them were joined from without Major-General Lambert, 
Col. Desborough, and Col. Berry. The time appointed for 
the duration of their power was, if I mistake not, eight 
days, by which time it was supposed the House would be 
able to constitute a Council of State, to take care of affairs 
of that nature. The Parliament referred to the committee 
to give notice to foreign ambassadors residing in England, 
and to the ministers of this nation employed in foreign 
parts, of their return to the exercise of their authority. 
They likewise directed them to inform themselves what 
alliances England had abroad, and to report the state of 
that affair to the House. They impowered them also to 
make inquiry into the miscarriages of officers during the 
late confusions, to remove such as they found guilty, to 
put others in their places, and then to lay the whole 
matter before the Parliament for their approbation. To 
the members of the House that were of the committee, 
they added Mr. Scott ; and then ordered them to take 
a view of all the civil officers of the nation, authorizing 
them to displace those that should be found unfit to serve, 
and to place others in the room of them, and to report 
what they had done to the House. Writs and all proceed- 
ings at law were directed to run as formerly in the name 
of the keepers of the liberties of England. And lest the 
judges who were members of the House might by their 
influence there prevent the intended reformation of the 
law, it was resolved that no members of Parliament should 
be a judg in any court. Information being given to the 
committee that Col. Norton governour of Portsmouth had 
let fall some expressions of discontent, they knowing the 
May 12. place to be of great importance, sent down Col. Whetham, 
who formerly had been governour thereof, to take possession 



The Committee for the Sea-affairs. 81 

of the government of it 1 ; at which tho the colonel was 1659 
much disturbed, yet in a letter to me written by him 
soon after, he assured me he should be -very well satisfied, 
if we would proceed to the settlement of an equal Com- 
monwealth. A Committee for the Sea-affairs was also 
appointed by the Parliament, who being informed of the 
disaffection of some that managed the business of the 
admiralty to the present government, the House was 
earnestly pressed to pass a vote for excluding them from 
that employment ; but at last they were prevailed with to 
refer it to the committee which they had already appointed 
for nominating officers, to propose some for that charge 2 . 
The committee having resolved to acquaint the persons 
they designed to propose to the Parliament, with their 
intentions beforehand, demanded of Col. Kelsey if he 
would accept of it, and easily obtained his consent, tho 
they told him they could not promise him any other salary 
than what he should merit by a diligent performance of 
the duties of the place. The same proposition being made 
to Col. Clark, he told them, he would consider well before 
he would engage so far with the present authority. This 
carriage of the colonel caused me to suspect that the army 
had still some design on foot, more than appeared openly ; 
and I was the rather induced to this suspicion by his 
relation to Thurloe the late secretary, and his familiarity 
with Col. Desborough ; especially considering that the 
way was still open to reconcile themselves to Mr. Richard 
Cromwel, who yet remained at Whitehall without making 
any preparations for his removal. The officers also, under 
colour of inquiring into the miscarriages of the late 
governments, and modelling the affairs of the army, had 
frequent meetings, wherein greater care was taken to 
maintain their own faction, than to provide for the publick 

1 See C. J. vii. 653 ; Cal. S. P., Richard Salwey, Valentine Walton, 

Dom., 1688-9, P- 355- Mr. Say, John Langley, Thomas 

3 The Commissioners of the Navy Boone, and Cols. Herbert Morley, 

consisted of members of Parliament, Ed. Salmon, Thos. Kelsey, and 

soldiers and merchants, viz. Vane, John Clerk. C. J. vii. 665, 669. 
George Thompson, John Carew, 

VOL. II. G 



82 Regimental changes. 

1659 service. It was very evident by the lists of officers 
presented by them to the committee, that the Wallingford- 
house party was not so averse to the creatures of Mr. 
Richard Cromwel, as they were to those who had been 
sufferers on the account of the Commonwealth. So that 
Major-General Overton, Col. Rich, Col. Alured, and Capt. 
Bremen, were not without great difficulty received into 
the service 1 . The regiment of horse that had been com- 
manded by Col. Howard was given to Sir Arthur Haslerig ; 
and a day or two after it was proposed that I should be 
colonel of that which had been commanded by Col. Gough, 
Sir Henry Vane and Major Saloway earnestly pressing 
me to accept of it. But being unwilling to intermeddle 
with any employment of advantage under the Parliament, 
that I might give my voice in the House with more 
freedom and impartiality, I desired to be excused. Having 
taken this resolution, Sir Arthur Haslerig came to me and 
told me, that unless I did accept it, he would quit the 
regiment he commanded, which he protested to have taken, 
not with a design to make any advantage of it, being 
resolved not to receive any pay, but only to have a right 
to be present at the councils of war, whereby he might be 
enabled to do some good, and possibly to prevent more 
mischief. Having weighed these things, and considered 
that our greatest danger was likely to arise from the army, 
the principal officers of which had been debauched from 
their duty by Oliver Cromwel, and had learn'd their own 
strength when they obstructed his design to be King ; 
that they had placed his son in the same power after his 
death, and pulled him down again upon their dislike of his 
government, I consented to undertake the command of the 
regiment that was offered to me. The Parliament having 
many important affairs under their consideration, were not 
yet at leisure to constitute a Council of State, and there- 
fore continued the powers granted to the Committee of 
Safety for a longer time, and declared their intentions to be, 

1 See Mercurius Politicus, May of an interview between Fleetwood 
19-26, 1659, which gives an account and these officers. 



A new Council of State chosen. 83 

that the nation should be governed in the way of a Common- 1659 
wealth, without a King, single person, or House of Lords. 
They also ordered that Whitehall should be cleared with May 16. 
all convenient speed for the use of the public ; that care 
should be taken of the goods and furniture belonging to it, 
and that the committee should take care that Mr. Richard 
Cromwell might have notice of these their resolutions. In 
the mean time the Parliament took into their consideration 
what powers and instructions were requisite for the Council 
of State *, and voted their number to consist of thirty one, 
whereof twenty one to be of the Parliament, and ten to be 
of such persons as were not members of the House. And 
the better to shew the consideration the Parliament had 
for some eminent persons who were not of their body, and 
principally for the officers of the army, it was first agreed, 
that the Lord President Bradshaw, the Lord Fairfax, May 13, 
Major-General Lambert, Col. Desborough, Col. Berry, 
Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, and Sir Horatio Townsend, 
should be members of the council 2 . Mr. Love (in con- 
sideration that Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper had voted 
with the Commonwealth party in the last convention) 
moved that he might be one, though his affections were 
well known to be to another interest, and Mr. Nevill 
having hopes that Sir Horatio Townsend was a friend to 
the Commonwealth, for the same reason, moved for his 
addition, which two motions being upon the rising of the 
House made on a sudden before any could recollect 
themselves to speak against them, there being also an 
unwillingness to disoblige those of whom there was any 
hope, were consented to. The next morning the Parliament 
proceeded to the election of twenty one of their members May 14. 

1 On May 12, Col. Jones reported second time on May 18, and finally 

from the Committee of Safety the passed on May 19. C. J. vii. 652-5, 

draft of an act constituting a Council 658, 659; Cal. S. P., Dom., 1658-9, 

of State. The instructions were p. 349. 

read and amended by Parliament on 2 The account of the nomination 

May 13, and the members of the of Cooper and Townsend is inserted 

council appointed on May 13, 14, from the suppressed passages printed 

16. The bill was read a first and by Christie. 

G3 



84 Dissatisfaction of the officers of the Army. 

1659 to be of the Council of State, according to their former 
resolution, and chose Sir Arthur Haslerig, Sir Henry Vane, 
Lieut-Gen. Fleetwood, Major Saloway, Col. Morley, Mr. 
Thomas Chaloner, Col. Algernon Sidney, Mr. Henry Nevil, 
Col. Walton, Col. Dixwel, Mr. Wallop, Chief Justice St. 
Johns, Mr. Thomas Scott, Col. Thomson, Mr. Robert 
Reynolds, Col. Sydenham, Col. John Jones, the Lord 
Commissioner Whitlock, Sir James Harrington, Col. 

May 16. Downes, and my self. Then to compleat the number of 
ten, who were to consist of persons that were not members, 
they chose the Lord Warriston, Sir Robert Honywood, 
and Mr. Josias Berners. The officers of the army were 
not at all pleased with this election, perceiving they should 
not be permitted to act arbitrarily, as they desired, and 
therefore seldom came to the council ; and when they 
condescended to come, carried themselves with all imagin- 
able perverseness and insolence. They scrupled to take 
the oath to be true and faithful to the Commonwealth, in 
opposition to Charles Stuart, or any single person, which 
the Parliament had appointed to be taken by every 
member of the council before he took his place. And 
because they were ashamed to own themselves dissatisfied 
with the substance of the oath, they pretended to be 
unwilling to take any ; yet professing a readiness to 
promise as much as the oath required. This distinction 
seemed very nice to most of us ; but that there might 
be no difference about ceremonies, the Parliament was 

May 24. prevailed with to grant liberty to the council to alter the 
engagement into such a form as might give them satis- 
faction 1 . Notwithstanding all which condescension they 
were hardly perswaded to take it, and when they had done 
it, they seldom came to discharge their duty at the board, 

1 May 24, 1659. ' Resolved, that member of the council as well as if 

Lieut.-Gen. Fleetwood and Col. they had taken the said oath : and 

Sydenham be admitted to sit and that it be referred to the council to 

act, as members of the Council of dispense in like manner with any 

State, upon their promise and other member thereof that shall in 

declaration to do and perform the point of conscience scruple at the 

things contained in the oath formality of the oath, as there shall 

appointed to be taken by every be occasion.' C. J. vii. 664. 



Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper. 85 

pretending that, by reason of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper's 1659 
being of the council and Sir H. Townsend, they could 
not with freedom speak their minds there nor carry on the 
public work, they supposing these persons to be assured 
to Charles Stewart's interest, and that they would give 
intelligence to him of all that passed 1 . That we might 
remove this rub, endeavours were used with them both 
to manifest their affections to the public, for removing of 
jealousies between the Parliament and the army, by desiring 
the House to excuse them from that employment, or at 
least to forbear coming to the council. Sir H. Townsend 
very ingenuously chose to do the latter, pretending 
occasions of his own which drew him into the country. 
But Sir Anthony having it in design to be a boutefeu 
between the Parliament and the army, as his after carriage 
will make appear, makes use of this occasion, and comes 
into the council with much confidence, and moves with 
much importunity to have the oath administered to him, 
professing himself ready to take the same, yet having 
a secret resolve to break it at the same time (as there was 
ground to suspect), but the council not having any power 
to refuse it him permitted him to take it. And being thus 
ensnared, as the best remedy to prevent inconveniences, 
they appoint a committee of examination and secrecy, 
whom they entrusted with great powers, to wit, Lieutenant - 
General Fleetwood, Sir Henry Vane, Major-General Lam- 
bert, Major Salloway, Mr. Scott, Serjeant Bradshaw, and 
myself. Yet so hot and confident was Sir Anthony 
grown, that to pursue his mischievous design, he solicits 
the Parliament that they would admit him to sit upon an 
election of seventeen or eighteen years standing, which 
never was adjudged, and we could find no better way to 
put him off (so far had he insinuated into the members) 
than to refer the consideration thereof to the committee of 
five formerly appointed by the Parliament for the receiving 
of satisfaction touching those members who had not sat 

1 The whole of this page and the from the suppressed passages print- 
first two lines of p. 86 are derived ed by Christie. 



86 The plots of the Cavaliers. 

1659 from 1 648, who alleging their -powers were at an end, it 
was referred to them to search their books, and state 
matter of fact in relation thereto. Things being in this 
posture, the enemies to the government thought it a proper 
time to attempt something before a good agreement might 
be made between the Parliament and army : in order to 
which great numbers of arms were bought up by them in 
London, whereof notice was given to a committee of the 
Council of State T . A chest filled with arms was sent to 
the House of one Mr. Overbury of Glocestershire, of which 
he gave notice to Capt. Crofts, who commanded the 
county troop ; and the captain having caused the trunk 
to be opened, found in it ten case of common pistols, one 
fine pair with the name of one Harman Barnes the maker 
upon them, together with a compleat sute of armor. The 
committee of the Council of State sent for the said Harman 
Barnes, and upon examination found him to have been 
gunsmith to Prince Rupert, and so confused in his answers, 
that we thought it necessary to secure him and his arms, 
amounting to the number of two hundred carabines, and as 
many pair of pistols ready fixed, besides a great number 
unfixed, tho he had affirmed to us that he had no more 
than thirty pair of pistols in his house. The Cavalier 
party having boasted to divers persons that Mr. How of 
Glocestershire had given them assurances of his service, 
the committee sent for him to appear before them, which 
he did, and in his examination acknowledged, that he had 
a certain number of arms in his house which he had 
purchased at the time of the late dispute between 
Richard's and the Commonwealth party, that he might 
be ready to serve the public on that occasion, if there had 
been any necessity ; and had given assurance to Sir Arthur 
Haslerig and me of the same good intentions. Hereupon 
tho I could not but justify the committee in sending for 

1 Salwey reported from the 1658-9, p. 353. John Grubham 
Committee of Safety on May 9, the Howe was M.P. for Gloucester- 
state of the designs of the Royalists. shire in the Parliaments of 1654, 
C. J. vii. 646 ; cf. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1656, and 1658-9. 



The Armys address to the Parliament. 87 

him, on account of the informations we had received, yet 1659 
I thought my self obliged to do him justice, and 
accordingly informed the committee, that on the day of 
the dissolution of Richard's convention, Mr. How came to 
me in Westminster Hall, and assured me of his affection to 
the Commonwealth, and that whensoever I should signify 
to him that there was occasion for his service, he would 
be ready to hazard both life and estate in the defence of it. 
The council being satisfied with this testimony, gave 
present orders for his discharge. In the mean time the 
Wallingford-house party not forgetting their design, drew 
an address to the Parliament, and presented it by the May 13. 
hands of the chief officers of the army, that so it might 
either have a greater influence upon the House, or, if it 
prevailed not there, that it might be a means to unite 
them all against the Parliament. The principal heads of 
the address were, that those who had acted under the late 
power might be indemnified by an Act of Parliament ; 
that Lieutenant-General Fleetwood might be appointed 
Commander-in-Chief of the army ; that the debts of the 
Protector might be satisfied, and that he might have ten 
thousand pounds by year added to his revenue ; that the 
government of the nation might consist of a representative 
of the people, and of a select senate ; that care might be 
taken for the paiment of the army, and that liberty of 
conscience might be secured to all such who professed 
faith in Jesus Christ, and were not scandalous in their 
conversation *. The Parliament gave them for answer, 
that they would take their desires into their speedy con- 
sideration, and give them satisfaction therein as far as 
should be possible. And that for the future no man might 
have an opportunity to pack an army to serve his ambition, 

1 On May 10, 1659, Parliament continue committed, together with 
appointed a committee consisting of the whole cause thereof, and how 
Ludlow, Vane and twenty-one others they may be discharged.' C. J. vii. 
' to consider of the imprisonment of 648. Numerous petitions were 
such persons who continue com- subsequently referred to this com- 
mitted for conscience sake ; and how mittee, and many persons discharged, 
and in what manner they are and including James Naylor (Sept. 18). 



88 The Committee for the Nomination of Officers. 

1659 as had formerly been practised, a bill was prepared and 
June 4. brought in, constituting the seven persons following, viz. 
Lieutenant- General Fleetwood, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Major- 
General Lambert, Col. Desborough, Col. Berry, Sir Henry 
Vane, and my self, to be Commissioners for the nomination 
of officers to be presented to the consideration and 
approbation of the Parliament *. Another bill was brought 
June 4. in to constitute Lieut-General Fleetwood Commander-in- 
Chief, and it was resolved that his commission should 
continue during the present session, or till the Parliament 
should take farther order therein ; and instead of authoriz- 
ing the Lieutenant-General to grant commissions to such 
officers as should be appointed by the Parliament, it was 
June 6. ordered that the said commissions should be subscribed by 
the Speaker, and received from his hands, by which it was 
endeavoured to bring the military sword under the power 
of the civil authority, as it ought to be in a free nation. 
But observing that these things were greatly disliked by 



1 In the declaration of Oct. 27, 
the Council of Officers complain 
bitterly of the operations of this 
committee. ' What factions here- 
upon grew up in the army, what 
new moulding, changing, and trans- 
forming thereof (to the discomposure 
of the whole), how parties were 
made, headed, and encouraged by 
divers members sitting in Parliament, 
and strengthened, not onely by 
bringing divers persons into command 
of prejudiced minds, but by removing 
faithful officers into remote parts of 
this Commonwealth, without any 
cause shewen, or consultations had 
with the Commander-in-Chief there- 
upon, was not onely notoriously 
known by those, who are con- 
cerned in military affairs, but obvious 
to common observations.' p. 6. The 
charge is answered on p. 20 of ' The 
Declaration of the Officers of the 
Army opened ' : ' Some of us do know 
that the whole modellizing of the 



army now, was by Fleetwood, 
Lambert, Desborough, and Berry, 
and the reason they gave to the rest of 
the number, viz. Sir Arthur Haslerig, 
Sir Henry Vane, Lieut.-Generall 
Ludlow, was because they were 
strangers to the whole army, and did 
not know them, but they Fleetwood, 
Lambert, Desborough, and Berry 
did; and on this ground what officers 
soever that Fleetwood, Lambert, 
Desborough, and Berry did object 
against was laid aside, and whatever 
officer they would have put into the 
army was so, except some few. . . 
The Parliament did not refuse any 
that they under five of their hands 
did present to them, except Cols. 
Whaly and Boteler, and one Cap. 
Goff of Col. Alured's regiment.' 
The minutes of this committee for 
the nomination of officers are 
amongst the domestic state papers, 
but unluckily they are imperfect. 
Cf. Thurloe, vii. 754. 



The form of commissions changed. 89 

the officers, and knowing how much it imported the very 1659 
being of our cause to maintain a good correspondence 
between the Parliament and army, I earnestly pressed the 
House not to insist upon the restrictions before-mentioned, 
especially considering that they consisted rather in form 
than substance : for tho the time of a commission be not 
expressly limited, yet it can last no longer than during the 
pleasure of those that give it ; and if it should happen to 
be used to the destruction of those from whom it was 
received, it actually puts a period to it self. Neither could 
it be thought very material, whether a commission was 
signed by one person or another, so long as it was derived 
from the same authority. Sir Henry Vane and Major 
Saloway were of the same opinion, but Sir Arthur Haslerig, 
Col. Sidney, Mr. Nevil, and the majority of the House, 
carried it for the said limitations and restrictions ; and 
many of the House began to entertain a hard opinion of 
me on the account of this moderation, as if I had espoused 
the interest of the army against the Parliament. The two 
acts being passed, it was ordered that notice of them should J un e 7, 8. 
be given to the army, and that the House expected that 
the Commander-in-Chief, with the rest of the officers 
approved by the Parliament, should take their commissions 
from the hands of the Speaker as he sate in the chair. 
Hereupon a council of officers being summoned to Col. 
Desborough's house to consult about this affair, Sir Arthur 
Haslerig desired me not to fail to meet him there. The 
council being met, divers officers, and especially those of 
the first rank, openly manifested their discontent against 
the clauses before - mentioned ; Major -General Lambert 
saying that they implied a diffidence of the army, and that 
they had no assurance that the Parliament would continue 
them in their imployments, which, he said, was contrary 
to the promises made to them before the restitution of the 
Parliament. It was answered, that no private persons 
either could, or had promised more than to use their 
endeavours in the House to procure certain things to be 
done, and that whatsoever had been so promised by any of 



9O The complaints of the officers answered. 

1659 us, had been fully effected by the Parliament : for they 
had continued the commands of the army in such hands 
as had been agreed on ; neither was there any colour for 
them to suspect any intention to alter the same. They 
were told that the Parliament could not justly be blamed, 
if they endeavoured to preserve their authority, that had 
been so eminently violated of late : that it was our duty 
to judg favourably of the actions of the Parliament, and 
especially since they had given such evident demonstration 
to the world that they designed not to perpetuate their 
authority by a late vote that had passed with the two acts 
complained of, that the Parliament should be dissolved in 
the month of May next ensuing 1 : whereby they had 
engaged themselves, as they tendered their own preserva- 
tion, to make a speedy provision for the settlement of the 
government, and the security of the common cause, in 
which the officers of the army were as much concerned as 
any persons whatsoever. We desired them to consider 
well of how great importance it was to the people of 
England to preserve a good correspondence between the 
Parliament and the army at this time, when the common 
enemy had no hopes left but in our divisions ; that they 
would not gratify their enemies, nor discourage their 
friends, by entertaining groundless suspicions and jealousies 
of those whose interest was the same with theirs. But 
notwithstanding all that could be said, the dissatisfaction 
of the chief officers, who had another game to play, still 
remained, and their confidence to carry all before them 
was so great, that Col. Desborough openly said, that he 
accounted the commission he had already to be as good 
as any the Parliament could give, and that he would not 
take another. Yet for all this ruffling insolence of the 
chief officers of the army, who thought they could have 
influenced all the rest, Col. Hacker with the officers of his 
June 8. regiment came the next morning by the perswasion of Sir 
Arthur Haslerig, to the Parliament House, and received 

1 On June 6 a vote was passed, ment shall not exceed the seventh 
' that the continuance of this Parlia- day of May 1660.' C. J. vii. 673. 



The new commissions accepted. 91 

their commissions from the Speaker according to the 1659 
directions of the act. The next day I was attended by 
the officers of my regiment, and we altogether received our June 9. 
commissions in the same manner. The ice being thus 
broke by Col. Hacker and me, the rest of the officers 
began to consider better of the matter, and divers of 
them growing more moderate, came also, and took out 
their commissions. Lieutenant-General Fleetwood received June 9. 
three commissions, whereof one was for a regiment of 
horse, another for a regiment of foot, and the third 
appointing him to be Commander-in-Chief, with the 
limitations above mentioned, and a clause requiring him 
to obey such orders as he should receive from the 
Parliament, or the Council of State. 

Mr. Richard Cromwel not removing from Whitehal, tho 
he received a message to that end, Sir Henry Vane, Sir May 16. 
Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Scot and I, according to the command 
we had from the Parliament, attended him there, and 
received for answer that he would do it with all convenient 
speed. But the Parliament being impatient of his delays, 
sent the Chief Justice St. Johns, and another person to 
require him to give them a positive answer touching his 
removal, which he did to their satisfaction, declaring his 
acquiescence in the providence of God, and his resolu- 
tion, not only to submit to the authority of the Parlia- 
ment, but also to use the best of his endeavours to per- 
swade all those in whom he had any interest to do so 
likewise. The Parliament having received his answer, May 25. 
ordered 2000 pounds to be presently paid to him to enable 
him to remove, and passed a resolution to pay those 
debts, which it was said he had contracted on the public 
account. 

The army in Ireland being informed that the Parliament 
was returned to the exercise of their authority, sent over 
commissioners to them to propose divers things relating as 
well to the civil as military government of that nation. 
The Council of State having heard their propositions, 
prepared such of them as they thought reasonable for the 



92 The government of Ireland. 

1659 consideration of the Parliament, in particular those con- 
cerning the establishment of the army in the possession of 
those lands which had been assigned them in paiment of 
their arrears ; as also to confirm the adventurers and others 
in the possession of theirs, as far as might consist with the 
rules of justice. Then the Parliament proceeded to put the 
Jnne 7. administration of affairs there into such hands as they could 
best confide in, declaring the government should be again 
managed by commissioners, as it had been formerly 1 , and 
having nominated the persons to serve in that imployment, 
they ordered the Council of State to draw up instructions 
for them, and to report them to the House, together with 
whatsoever else they should think necessary to be done 
June 7. there. They resolved that Col. Henry Cromwel should be 
required to come over to give an account of the state of 
things in Ireland, and empowered the Commissioners, or 
any two of them, to take care of the safety of that nation 
till farther order. 

The Committee of Safety having dispatched a messenger 
to our fleet in the Sound before the election of the Council 
of State, to acquaint them with the restitution of the Parlia- 
ment, the officers of the several ships assembled, and sent 
an acknowledgment of their authority, with all possible 
demonstrations of satisfaction. Notwithstanding which, 
being highly sensible of how great importance the sea- 
June i. affairs are to this nation, we ordered six frigats to be 
equipped with all diligence, and gave the command of them 
May 26. to Lawson, making him at the same time Vice-Admiral of 
the Fleet. And this we did as well to prevent an invasion 
from Flanders, with which the Cavalier party threatned 
us, as to balance the power of Montague's party, who we 
knew was no friend to the Commonwealth. We treated 
also with Myn Heer Nieuport, Ambassador from the States 

1 On June 7 the Parliament re- William Basill and Miles Corbet 

solved that the government of Ireland negatived. On June 9 however 

should be intrusted to five commis- Miles Corbet and Matthew Thom- 

sioners. John Jones, William Steele, linson were added to the otherthree. 

and Robert Goodwyn were at once C. J. vii. 674, 678. 
appointed, and the nomination of 



Foreign affairs. 93 

of Holland, that a good correspondence might be main- 1659 
tained between the two Commonwealths, and that an 
accord might be made between the two Kings of Denmark 
and Sweden, who were then enemies, by the interposition 
of the two states, who agreeing upon equitable terms, 
might be able to impose them on the refuser. And 
this we were in hopes to accomplish the rather, because 
neither the Dutch nor we pretended to any more than 
a freedom of passing and repassing the Sound, which could 
not well be, if the command of it were in the hands of either 
of those princes. The Dutch Ambassador seemed very 
desirous to finish the treaty, but by several demands which 
he made in the behalf of their merchants, delay'd it so long, 
that our agent in Holland had already concluded an 
agreement with the States, whereby the two Commonwealths 
became engaged to compel that King that should refuse to 
accept of the conditions which they thought just and 
reasonable. In order to put this resolution in execution, 
the States of Holland appointed their plenipotentiaries, and 
we on our part did the same, sending thither Col. Algernon June 9. 
Sidney, Sir Robert Honywood, and one Mr. Boon a 
merchant, to that end. The Parliament having taken some 
measure of care of foreign affairs, began to make provision 
for the better execution of justice in England, and estab- 
lished judges in the Upper Bench, Common Pleas, and 
Exchequer ; but designing the reformation of the practice 
of the Law, they for the present nominated no more than 
were sufficient to make a quorum in each court. The Lord June 3. 
President Bradshaw, Serjeant Fountain, and Serjeant 
Tyrrell, were made Commissioners of the Broad Seal. And 
that the Justices of the Peace througout England might be 
fitly qualified for that employment, the House referred to 
the Committee of Nominations for civil offices, the con- 
sideration of that matter ; but finding this work to be full 
of difficulty, and attended with much envy, the Parliament June 16. 
ordered the members for each county to agree on a list of 
such persons as they should think most proper for that 
office, and to set their hands to each list. And in case of 



94 Lndlow made Commander-in-Chief in Ireland. 

1659 any difference of opinion, the House, upon hearing both 
parties, determined the matter. Col. Zanchey, Col. Lau- 
rence, Mr. Auditor Roberts, and Major Wallis, by the 
advice of Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, drew up a list of 
officers for the army in Ireland, and presented it to the 
Committee of Nominations 1 , and agreed to make it their 
request that I might be appointed Commander-in-Chief 
of those forces ; whether from an opinion that I should 
thereby be rendred less able to oppose their designs, than 
by continuing my attendance in Parliament, or that none of 
their Grandees could be spared from their cabals at Walling- 
ford-house. is uncertain. But true it is, that no man was 
less desirous than my self, that I should have that command, 
well knowing the envy and difficulties that accompanied it, 
and having ample experience how much easier it was to 
undertake great employments, than duly to perform the 
functions of them. Yet finding the officers of Ireland, 
the Committee of Nominations, the Council of State, and 
July 4. the Parliament 2 all concurring to design me for that post, 
I thought my self obliged in duty to accept it : tho I was 
resolved not to suffer my self to be banished thither, as 
I had been formerly by Oliver Cromwel, but to return to 
England as soon as I should have done what might be 
necessary for the security of that country, to contribute my 
endeavours towards the settlement of a just and equitable 
constitution of government at home, and to prevent those 
mischiefs which I perceived the ambition of the army to be 
bringing upon us. Having opened my self freely con- 
cerning these particulars to Sir Henry Vane, it was obtained, 
that the Parliament after they had voted me to be Com- 

1 The list referred to is doubtless mission from the Speaker on the 
that printed in Cal. State Papers, afternoon of July 9, and it was at 
Dom., 1659-60, p. 12; cf. ib. pp. the same time resolved 'that after 
2, 29. Lieut.-Gen. Ludlow hath put the 

2 On July 2 Haselrig reported to ffairs of the army in Ireland in good 
Parliament that the Committee of order, the said Lieut.-Gen. have 
Safety had recommended Ludlow liberty to come over into England, 
to command in Ireland. On July 4 and settle his private affairs here.' 
Parliament passed a resolution ap- C. J. vii. 702, 703, 710. Cf. Cal. 
pointing him. He received his com- S. P., Dom., 1658 9, pp. 389, 393. 



Other military appointments. 95 

mander-in-Chief of the forces in Ireland, passed likewise an 1659 
order, that when I had put the affairs of that country into J ul y 9- 
a posture of security, I should have liberty to return to 
England. It was my design at the next sitting of the 
Committee of Nominations to move them to propose that 
Sir Henry Vane might succeed me as colonel of that 
regiment which the Parliament had entrusted me with, that 
he might thereby be enabled to discover and prevent the ill 
designs of the army. But the Presbyterian party in the 
House, immediately after the Parliament had appointed me 
for the service of Ireland, moved that Col. Herbert Morley 
might be made colonel of my regiment, and carried it 1 . 
Divers officers who had faithfully served the Common- 
wealth, and amongst them Col. Rich, were restored to their 
commands, tho not without difficulty : and that Major- 
General Lambert might be altogether inexcusable if he 
should act against the Parliament, they granted him 
a regiment of horse and one of foot. Then they gave 
order for raising a troop of horse for their own guard, and 
gave the command of it to Col. Alured, who had been July 9. 
a great sufferer on the account of the Commonwealth, and 
very active for the restitution of the Parliament 2 . The 
troop consisted of about one hundred and thirty chosen 
men, nominated by the committee, and approved by the 
House. Col. Alured scrupled to accept it, thinking it not 
equivalent to a regiment of horse which he had commanded, 

1 On July 7 Parliament ordered July 4 it was ordered by Parliament 
the Commissioners for the nomin- that Alured should be colonel of the 
ation of officers to take care that regiment of foot late Col. Ludlow's* 
Col. Herbert Morley be made colonel but on the gth he was appointed cap- 
of a regiment in the army, and tain of the Life GuardtotheParliament, 
on July 9 Parliament appointed him with the pay of a colonel of horse, 
colonel of ' the regiment that is now until a regiment of horse could be 
void ' C. J. vii. 707, 708. provided for him. A list of the Life 

2 On June 9, 1659, a committee Guard is given C. J. vii. 709. On 
was appointed to hear the petition Aug. 6, Major Arthur Evelyn became 
of Col. Matthew Alured, and on commander of the Life Guard, Alured 
June i o Parliament, after hearing its having been appointed on Aug. 5 
report, pronounced the sentence colonel of a regiment of horse in 
against Alured unjust, and ordered place of Whalley. C. J. vii. 678, 
his restoration to his command. On 702, 708, 749. 



96 Lockhart sent agent to France. 

1659 tho the pay was appointed to be the same. Being in this 
disposition, he came to me, and having proposed his 
doubts, I took the liberty to inform him, as well as I could, 
of the honour and usefulness of that employment ; and 
having assured him that if it were offered to me, the 
circumstances of my affairs permitting, I would prefer it 
before any other command, he was contented to accept it. 
Our treasury was so low, through the male-administration 
of the late governments, that tho our plenipotentiaries to 
the two northern crowns had received their instructions, yet 
they were obliged to stay a fortnight longer before they 
could receive the sum of two thousand pounds which had 
been ordered for the expences of their voyage, the taxes 
coming in but slowly, and the city of London, terrified with 
the reports of an expected insurrection, being very back- 
ward in advancing money. Yet considering the great 
importance of the town of Dunkirk to the trade and navi- 
gation of England, the Parliament took the first occasion 
they could to send one month's pay for thegarison there, to 
Col. Lockhart governour of that place, with instructions to 
go on with the fortifications, and to have a vigilant eye as 
well upon the French as the Spaniard. They ordered him 
to draw the regiments that had been lent to the King of 
France as near to the town as he could, being under some 
fears that they might be either detained by the French, or 
obstructed in their return by the Spanish forces T . And 
having received information that the treaty between those 
two nations went prosperously on, they gave him commission, 
July 4. when he had provided for the security of Dunkirk, to go to 
the French court as agent from the Parliament ; and if he 
found encouragement from Cardinal Mazarin, to take upon 
him the title and character of ambassador, and then to 

1 On July ig.Capts. Manning,Scot, and Lockhart, were presented on 

and Richardson presented the peti- July 27. Lockhart's acquiescence in 

tions of Sir Brice Cochrane and the the change of government had been 

three regiments late in French service. reported to Parliament on May 18. 

The petitions of the regiments in C. J. vii. 657, 723. 
Dunkirk, those of Alsop, Lillingston, 



The Act of Indemnity. 97 

repair to the place where the treaty was carrying on 1659 
between the two crowns. Col. Lockhart, according to his 
instructions, having put all things into a good condition at 
Dunkirk, and drawn the English regiments out of the 
French quarters, departed for Paris, and being arrived, was 
very well received by the Cardinal, and from thence went 
to St. John de Luz, which was the place of the treaty. 
In the mean time the Parliament being very desirous to 
restore the trade with Spain to this nation, and being 
informed from Flanders that the Spanish ministers were 
willing to come to an accommodation with us, caused divers 
subjects of Spain, whom Cromwell had made prisoners, to 
be released, and would not suffer any act of hostility to be 
used against those of that nation. 

The Act of Indemnity had been read twice, and the May 23, 24. 
House was as desirous to dispatch it as their affairs would 
permit l ; yet the necessary time spent in the debate and 
consideration of it was made great use of to incense the 
army against the Parliament : divers warm motions were 
made for excepting some persons from the benefit of it, 
who had gotten great estates by their compliance with the 
usurpation of Oliver Cromwel, and abetting the advance- 
ment of his son, and also to except those who had sold 
places, and received money for them ; but the Chief Justice 
St. Johns had such an influence upon the House, that he 
procured a clause to be inserted in the bill to indemnify him 
for such offices as he had sold in Cromwel's time : which 
partiality I appeared against so earnestly, that I made him 
thereby my declared enemy, tho I never had expected any 
sincere friendship from him, because he knew me to be 

1 In the declaration of the Council for the ends expected, as that not 

of Officers on Oct 27, they complain, only our selves, but divers others 

' Instead of an effectual and full were left liable to ruin at their 

Act of Oblivion (desired in our third pleasures, and subject to trouble and 

proposal . . . . ) we found it a long molestation at law for acts done for 

time to hang in suspence, and at the publick service, as well during 

last (after divers and earnest im- the time of their former sitting, 

portunities to many members of as under other succeeding govern- 

Parliament) an Act of Indempnity ments.' p. 5. 
came forth so imperfect and ineffectual 
VOL. II. H 



98 Lambert and Fleetwood rewarded. 

1659 zealous for the regulation of the practice of the law, and 
himself an obstructer of all endeavours to that end. The 
June ii. two commissions of Major-General Lambert being prepared 
and signed by the Speaker, he attended at the door of the 
House in order to receive them ; and being admitted, he 
was informed by the Speaker, that the Parliament having 
a good opinion of his abilities and fidelity, had intrusted 
him with the command of one regiment of horse and one 
of foot, for which he then by their order delivered the com- 
missions to him. The Major-General answered, that as 
his own inclination and interest led him to promote the 
service of the Parliament, so the obligation they laid on 
him by so great a trust should doubly excite him to 
fidelity and obedience to their commands. And I hope he 
then intended what he promised, though he afterwards 
proved an instrument of much disorder and confusion 
amongst us. Mr. Henry Nevil, a person of singular 
affection to the Commonwealth, moved the House that 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood might be made ranger of St. 
James's Park, and this he did that no occasion of obliging 
the army might be omitted ; which motion was readily 
consented to by the Parliament : and indeed the Lieutenant- 
General, had he not been too much influenced by his wife's 
relations, who pretending that he had injured his brother- 
in-law by contributing to lay him aside, continually pressed 
him to irregular proceedings in order to make him some 
satisfaction, might have proved a person as fit to command 
the forces in chief, as the Parliament could have chosen : 
tho I am not able to see how he could have served him 
better, unless peradventure by not consenting to his ad- 
vancement to the Protectorship, than to procure him to be 
removed with so little detriment to himself and reflection 
on his family ; considering how great a trust his father had 
betrayed, what dishonour he had brought on the nation, 
what hardships he had put upon many good men, to the 
hazard of that just cause which had cost so much blood 
and treasure of the people. 

At this time the opinions of men were much divided 



Constitutional schemes. 99 

concerning a form of government to be established amongst 1659 
us. The great officers of the army, as I said before, were 
for a select standing senate to be joined to the representative 
of the people. Others laboured to have the supream 
authority to consist of an assembly chosen by the people, 
and a council of state chosen by that assembly to be 
vested with the executive power, and accountable to that 
which should next succeed, at which time the power of the 
said council should determine. Some were desirous to 
have a representative of the people constantly sitting, but 
changed by a perpetual rotation. Others proposed that 
there might be joined to the popular assembly, a select 
number of men in the nature of the Lacedemonian Ephori, 
who should have a negative in things, wherein the essentials 
of the government should be concerned, such as the ex- 
clusion of a single person, touching liberty of conscience, 
alteration of the constitution, and other things of the last 
importance to the state. Some were of opinion that it 
would be most conducing to the publick happiness, if there 
might be two councils chosen by the people, the one to 
consist of about three hundred, and to have the power only 
of debating and proposing laws ; the other to be in number 
about one thousand, and to have the power finally to 
resolve and determine : every year a third part of each 
council to go out, and others to be chosen in their places. 
For my own part, if I may be permitted to declare my 
opinion, I could willingly have approved either of the two 
latter propositions, presuming them to be most likely to 
preserve our just liberties, and to render us a happy 
people. 

Some members of the Council of State proposed at the 
board, that the Parliament should be moved to appoint 
twenty of their own number, and ten of the principal 
officers of the army to consider of a form of government 
to be reported to the Parliament ; and if they should 
approve it, that then the whole army should be drawn out, 
and declare their consent to it : which proposition, tho it 
seemed then to find a general approbation, yet proved 

H2 



ioo Complaints of the Act of Indemnity. 

1659 abortive, and the Parliament themselves passed a resolution 
that on every Wednesday the House should go into 
a grand committee to consider of that matter. 

In the Act of Indemnity a clause had been inserted to 
restrain the favour of the Parliament in regard of those 
who under the usurpation had received exorbitant and 
double salaries, to the great discontent of divers consider- 
able persons, who feared they might be concerned in it 1 . 
July 13. In particular, Major-General Lambert meeting me the 
next morning after the Act was passed, most bitterly 
exclaimed against it, saying amongst other things, that 
tho there was no security given by the Act to indemnify 
them for what they had done, yet the Parliament had 
taken care to make them liable to be questioned for what- 
soever they had received. To which I answered, that in 
my opinion, all the souldiers were indemnified for what 
they had received, and that if the Parliament should ever 
make use of that clause, it would only be against those 
who had enriched themselves by the ruin of the Common- 
wealth, and had opposed the return of the Parliament to 
the exercise of their authority ; that I perswaded my self 
he could not think that such a sort of men deserved the 
favour and consideration of the Parliament equally with 
those who had contributed towards their restitution. 
Having said this, Sir Arthur Haslerig joined us, and the 
conversation continuing on the same subject Sir Arthur 
affirmed, that the Act was as full and comprehensive as 
could justly be desired ; but the Major-General said that it 
signified nothing, and that it left them still at mercy. 
' You are,' said Sir Arthur, ' only at the mercy of the 
Parliament, who are your good friends.' ' I know not,' said 
Lambert, ' why they should not be at our mercy as well as 
we at theirs.' These words, as they sounded very harsh to 
my ears, so they did confirm me in the suspicion I had of 



LIBRARY 



1 The Act of Indemnity was intro- 
duced May 23, passed a second 
reading May 24, and was passed 
July 12. It was discussed in com- 



mittee May 28 to July 12, and clogged 
by many amendments. Cf. Thurloe, 
vii. 687 ; Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659-60, 
p. 21. 



Henry Cromwell leaves Ireland. 101 

the design that was then on foot: and tho Sir Arthur 1659 
Haslerig contented himself only to shake his head, because 
divers officers were there present ; yet meeting me the 
next morning in the Speaker's chamber, he told me, that 
if the two regiments had not been already given to Major- 
General Lambert, he should never have them with his 
consent. 

The order requiring Col. Cromwel to come over from 
Ireland, and to give an account of affairs there, being 
signified to him, he retired to a house called the Phenix, 
belonging to the chief Governour of Ireland, leaving Col. 
Thomas Long in the Castle of Dublin ; whether with an 
intention of keeping it, I am not assured : but the com- 
missioners suspecting the worst, and being very desirous 
to be possessed of it, imployed Sir Hardress Waller to 
surprize the place, who finding the power of Col. Cromwel 
to decline, and that of the Parliament to increase, was very 
willing to attempt it ; and being ready to enter by a postern 
into the castle, the place was immediately surrendred to 
him. Col. Cromwel perceiving it to be to no purpose to 
stay longer in Ireland, departed for London, and being 
arrived, acquainted me with the time that he designed to 
attend the Council of State, and desired me that I would 
be present; but I could not 1 . For the house of Hampton 
Court having been ordered to be sold that day, which place July 6. 
I thought very convenient for the retirement of those that 
were imployed in publick affairs, when they should be 
indisposed, in the summer-season, I resolved to endeavour 
to prevent the sale of it, and accordingly procured a motion 

1 Henry Cromwell's letter resign- June 7, announced the arrival 

ing the government of Ireland, dated of Steele and Corbet and his own 

June 15, is printed in Thurloe, vii. immediate departure in a letter of 

683. Immediately on the news of June 22, arrived in London July 4, 

the restoration of the Long Parlia- gave an account of the state of 

ment he sent over three commis- Ireland to the Council of State July 

sioners, Col. Lawrence, Sir William 6, and retired to Cambridgeshire 

Bury, and Dr. Jones, to represent the July 8. The officers of the Irish 

desires of the English colony and army sent over an address to Parlia- 

army (ib. 674). Henry Cromwell ment. Mercurius Politicus, pp. 541, 

was ordered to come to England 544, 568, 576, 583. 



1O2 On the sale of the royal palaces. 

'659 to be made at the sitting down of the House to that end, 
which took effect as I desired. For this I was very much 
blamed by my good friend Sir Henry Vane, as a thing 
which was contrary to the interest of a Commonwealth : 
he said that such places might justly be accounted amongst 
those things that prove temptations to ambitious men, and 
exceedingly tend to sharpen their appetite to ascend the 
throne. But for my own part, as I was free from any 
sinister design in this action, so I was of opinion, that the 
temptation of soveraign power would prove a far stronger 
motive to aspire by the sword to gain the scepter, which 
when once attained, would soon be made use of to force 
the people to supply the want of such an accommodation. 
Oct. 4. Col. Henry Martin moved at the same time that the chappel 
belonging to Somerset-house might not be sold, because it 
was the place of meeting for the French church, and this 
request was also granted ; but the House it self was sold for 
the sum of ten thousand pounds 1 . Then it was moved that 
Whitehal might be also sold, and it was said that three- 
score thousand pounds might be had for it, in order to 
erect new buildings on the ground where it stands, but 
nothing was done farther in this matter. 

And now I began to think it time to hasten my journey 
to Ireland, where my station was assigned to me for some 
time ; and in order to my departure I received four corn- 
July 18. missions from the hands of the Speaker, as the Parliament 
had directed 2 . By the first I was appointed Commander-in- 
Chief of all the forces in Ireland ; the second was for 
a regiment of horse ; the third was for a regiment of foot, 

1 On May 16 the Parliament had Hampton Court was rescinded, and 
voted ' that speedy and effectual care both that place and Somerset House 
be, taken for payment of the arrears ordered to be sold. It was on this 
of the army, and that Whitehall and occasion that the chapel was ex- 
Somerset House be forthwith ex- cepted. C. J. vii. 655, 705, 791. 
posed to sale and improved to the 3 Ludlow's commissions as corn- 
best advantage of the Common- mander-in-chief in Ireland, dated 
wealth for and towards the great July 9, 1659, and as Lieut-Gen, of 
arrears and pay due to the army.' horse, dated July 12, were in Lord 
On Oct. 4 the order made on July 6 Ashburnham's collection of MSS. ; 
for the suspension of the sale of 8th Report Hist. MSS. Comm. p. 6. 



Ludlow receives his commissions. 103 

and by the fourth I was made Lieutenant-General of the 1659 
horse. Which last commission being read before the com- 
mittee of nominations by Sir Arthur Haslerig, who in this 
whole affair of regulating the army had served the Parlia- 
ment for secretary without any salary, Col. Desborough 
desired that it might be explained how far it should extend, 
suspecting that it might intrench upon the command of 
the horse in England and Scotland, which some thought he 
designed for himself. But Sir Arthur Haslerig declined to 
give him any other answer than that it was well enough. 
In this commission a clause was inserted, which had been 
omitted in the other three, because not thought of before, 
requiring me to obey not only such orders as I should 
receive from the Parliament and Council of State, but also 
all such as should be signified to me from time to time 
from the Commissioners of the Parliament for the affairs of 
Ireland *. This I was so far from disliking, that I procured 
another order to be made, that the pay of the army should 
be issued out by the Commissioners, and that no money, 
except only for contingencies, should be issued out by the 
Commander-in-Chief. Having prepared myself for my 
journey, I took leave of the principal officers of the army, 
and on that occasion most earnestly requested of Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood, Major-General Lambert, Col. Des- 
borough, Col. Sydenham, Col. Berry and others, that as 
they valued the good of the publick and their own safety, 
they would be careful not to violate the authority of the 
Parliament, who I perswaded my self were more ready to 
do any thing that might tend to the preservation of our 
liberties than we were to ask it : and at my parting with 
Sir Arthur Haslerig, Sir Henry Vane, Mr. Henry Nevil, 
Mr. Scot, Major Saloway, and the rest of my good friends 
that were members of the Parliament, I took the liberty to 
beg of them not to put any unnecessary hardships upon 
those of the army but rather to gratify them in whatsoever 

1 On July 7 a motion that Ludlow of Ireland had been negatived by 
himself should be one of the five twenty-six to twenty two votes, 
commissioners for the government C. J. vii. 707. 



IO4 Meeting with Roger Ludlow. 

1659 they could, that if after all the condescensions and favours 
of the Parliament to them, they should be so unjust and 
ungrateful to offer violence to the House, they might be left 
inexcusable in the sight of God and men. 

Being on my way to take shipping for Ireland, accom- 
panied by Col. John Jones : , and being come as far as 
Whitchurch, one Capt. Whetway of Chester met us there, 
and informed us of a design to rise in and about that 
country by the Presbyterian and Cavalier parties in con- 
junction; who gave out that Sir George Booth, the Earl of 
Darby, the Lord Cherbury and other persons of quality and 
estate were concerned with them. We, according to our 
duty, immediatly gave an account of what we had heard to 
the Council of State, and desired them to inquire into the 
matter. Then we proceeded in our journey, and being 
arrived at Holy-head, we found a small vessel carrying 
about ten guns, sent thither by the commissioners of the 
Parliament to transport us to Ireland, they having at that 
time no ship of greater force on that coast. Here we met 
my cousin Roger Ludlow, who was then newly landed from 
Ireland, but rinding us ready to set sail, he returned thither 
with us 2 . At our arrival within the bar of Dublin, we found 

1 A letter from Ludlow and Jones magistracy altogether, the reason 
to the Speaker, written from St. probably being his passionate and 
Albans and dated July 19, is printed overbearing temper, of which Win- 
in the Appendix. It concerns the throp records several instances. 
Act for securing the soldiers in the History of New England, ed. 1853, 
possession of their lands which is pp. 74-158. In 1635 Ludlow re- 
mentioned on page 106. moved to Connecticut, settling first 

2 Roger Ludlow, son of Thomas at Windsor, then removing in 1639 
Ludlow of Dinton, baptized March 7, or 1640 to Fairfield. He was one of 
1590 matriculated at Balliol College, the commissioners appointed for the 
Oxford, June 16, 1610. In Nov. government of Connecticut in 1635, 
1612 he was admitted a member of was Lieutenant-governor in i638,and 
the Inner Temple. He was elected three times Deputy-governor. But 
in 1629 an assistant of the Massa- his chief claim to fame is that he 
chusetts Bay Company, and in the was entrusted with the drafting of 
following spring landed in Massa- the constitution of Connecticut, and 
chusetts, and settled at Dorchester, also in 1646 ' desired to take some 
of which he was one of the founders. pains in drawing forth a body of 
He was chosen Deputy in 1634. laws for the government of this 
In 1685 he was left out of the Commonwealth.' This body of laws 



Ludlow lands in Ireland. 105 

Mr. Justice Cook and my brother-in-law attending with 1659 
their coaches ; by which means we had an opportunity to 
go that evening to my house at Moncktown. The next 
morning before I could get out, the Mayor and Aldermen 
of Dublin came to welcome me into the country, and to 
pay the usual civilities. And at the Rings-end I found the 
guard that had formerly attended Col. Cromwel, drawn up 
by the order of Sir Hardress Waller, with Col. Theophilus 
Jones in the head of them, all of them expressing their 
readiness to serve me, and so accompanied me to the city. 
Being arrived at Dublin, I went immediately to wait on the 
Commissioners of Parliament who were then sitting, and 
had been debating touching the manner of their deport- 
ment towards me, the result of which they informed me 
was, that each of them should successively take the chair 
for one month ; that they would desire me to give them 
my assistance when the affairs of the army would permit ; 
that I should sit with them when they sat as commissioners, 
in the next place to the chair-man, and that in all other 
places I should have the precedency. I returned them my 
thanks for the honour they did me, and earnestly desired 
to be excused in the last particular, having always declared 
it to be my opinion, that the military ought to submit to 
the civil power. But they told me, that since it had been 
so resolved, they would not permit me to speak any more 
about it. Then I delivered to them a warrant from the 
Council of State, authorizing Mr. Blackwel and Mr. 
Standish the deputy-treasurers for Ireland, to charge by bill 

adopted in 1650 was generally Reading, William Allen, Roger 

known as ' Ludlow's Code.' Disputes, Ludlow, and Philip Carteret to be 

however, whose history is imper- commissioners for hearing and 

fectly known, led Ludlow to deter- determining all claims for forfeited 

mineto leave Connecticut, where he i ands in i re land. Irish Records, A 
had been for ever disqualified from ms ^ histQry jg 

holding office. At first he announced ^^ and & sarch for hig wm - n 

his intention of sailing for Virginia, ^ repositories has proved fruit . 

but finally abandoned that intention Jess Liveg of Ludlow are givgn jn 

and went to Ireland. On Nov. 3, D ^ B xxxiy ^ . and - n ^ 

1654, the Lord Deputy and Council Magazine for American History for 

had appointed Chief Justice Pepys. April 1882 
Miles Corbet, John Cooke, John 



io6 Ludlows address to the Irish officers. 

1659 of Exchange or otherwise the treasurers of war in England 
with thirty thousand pounds for the service of Ireland. 
Which having done, I went into another room, where the 
officers of the army were appointed to be, and gave them 
an account of the return of the Parliament to the exercise 
of their authority, by whose wisdom and justice so many 
things had been formerly done for the advantage and 
glory of the English nation ; and by whose care and good 
oeconomy they themselves had been provided for, in such 
a manner as had never been practised in later times, nor 
indeed could reasonably be expected from any other 
persons than from those, who as they are called the fathers 
of the country, so they have the tenderness and affection of 
parents for all those who take care to deserve their kindness 
and protection. I assured them of their good intentions for 
the publick happiness, and to them in particular : and that 
as they were passing an Act to secure to the souldiers the 
possession of those lands that had been assigned to them 
for their arrears, so they would take care to cause their 
armies to be constantly paid for the future : that the 
Parliament themselves had appointed such officers to be 
placed over them, as had given demonstration of their 
affections to the publick in the late times of defection. 
I also informed them that the Parliament had done me the 
honour to appoint me to be Commander-in-Chief of their 
forces in Ireland, as they might more fully understand by 
the commission it self, which I then ordered to be read in 
their presence : and that done, I proceeded to tell them, 
that being sensible of my own imperfections, and the great 
weight and importance of my present employment, I had 
neither directly nor indirectly endeavoured to obtain it ; 
but considering that my superiors by virtue of their 
authority, at the desire of divers officers commissioned 
by this army, had called me to the exercise of it, 
I resolved to endeavour faithfully to discharge the duty 
of my station, and to adventure the utmost hazards 
for the publick good, wherein I doubted not. of their 
cheerful and ready assistance. The officers seeming well 



Sir George Boot fts insurrection. 107 

satisfied with what I had said, I dismissed them for that 1659 
time. 

Soon after my coming to Dublin we received advice by 
a message from England, of an insurrection against the 
Parliament under Sir George Booth, and that Chester was 
seized for the king. Upon which I caused the officers to 
meet, and taking into our consideration how we might best 
preserve the peace of Ireland, and prevent the like mischiefs 
there, we immediately dispatched as many officers as could 
be spared to their respective charges. And because we 
were under the greatest apprehensions for the northern 
parts, where the Scots and other disaffected persons were in 
great numbers, we sent Major Dean, an active and good 
officer, to command some troops of horse that were in 
those parts. We resolved also to send for the Lord 
Broghil, with Major Warden and Major Pourden, two of 
his officers, and to require them to give satisfaction touching 
their acquiescence under the present government. And 
that I might contribute what I could towards quenching 
that fire that had broken out in England, having received 
information in my late journey through part of Wales, that 
the small garisons of Denbigh, Beaumaris, Carnarvan, and 
Holyhead, were under-mann'd, I sent over one hundred 
foot to be distributed amongst them 1 . Which small supply 
came so seasonably, that it not only prevented the enemy 
from rising in those parts ; but enabled the governours of 
those forts to send out parties to bring in provisions for the 
garisons, of which they stood in great need. Col. Edmund 
Temple being at Chester when the insurrection began in 
those parts, was seized by the rebels, and carried before 
Sir George Booth, who finding that he was going to 
embark for Ireland, permitted him to proceed in his voyage. 
At his arrival he gave us an account that Col. Croxton who 
was governour of Chester finding it in vain to endeavour 
to keep the town, had made use of the time he had to 

1 On August 6, 100 foot were the advice of the General Council 
ordered to Beaumaris by Steele, of Officers.' 
Corbet and Jones, 'by and with 



io8 The progress of the rising checked. 

1659 provide all things necessary to maintain the castle till relief 
could be sent. He acquainted us also, that three or four 
hundred of the enemies horse had marched into the town 
of Chester ; that Sir George Booth was their Commander- 
in-chief, and that the principal persons that had engaged 
with them were, the Earl of Darby, the Lord Herbert of 
Cherbury, Mr. Lee of Lime House, and Capt. Morgan. He 
added, that being asked by Sir George Booth, if he had not 
heard of any rising in other parts, and having informed him 
that he had found all quiet on the road from London, Sir 
George seemed much surprized and discouraged, saying, 
that other promises had been made to him. 

By the next account we received from England, we had 
notice that a party of horse had appeared in Darbyshire, 
tho by the vigilance and courage of our friends in that 
county they were speedily dispersed or taken. We were 
likewise informed that the Earl of Stamford had been at 
the head of a party, according to a promise he had made 
to Sir George Booth ; but finding them not considerable, 
he had either surrendred himself, or been seized without 
any opposition. In Staffordshire, from whence the enemy 
expected great assistance, their designs were prevented 
by the diligence of Col. Crompton and Capt. Bathurst, 
who had secured the principal persons that were suspected 
in that county. Col. Massey was seized at a gentleman's 
house in Glocestershire, with some ammunition ; and by 
that means their designs in the West were disappointed. 
And tho there appeared about threescore horse with one 
Basset near Bathe, and about the same number near 
Malmsbury ; yet wanting the colonel to head them, and 
being informed of the march of the county troop against 
them, they dispersed themselves. Some of these, with 
others from the borders of Hampshire, went and joined the 
body that was commanded by Sir George Booth. Sir 
Thomas Middleton, who had made me a visit when I was 
going to Ireland, and had assured me of his resolution to 
continue stedfast in the interest of the Commonwealth, did, 
either through dotage, being almost fourscore years of age, 



Shrewsbury secured for the Parliament. 109 

or through the importunity of others, or the natural 1659 
depravity of his own heart, appear at the head of the 
Cavalier party at Wrexham, and there waving his sword 
about his head, caused Charles Stuart to be proclaimed 
King in the market-place. Which encouraged the enemy 
so much, that they immediately sent out a party to possess 
themselves of Shrewsbury ; but tho the male-contents were 
very numerous in that town, and ready to join with them, 
yet Capt. Waring with the militia troop, in conjunction 
with many well-affected persons that went to him from 
Wrexham, and some others which he got together on 
a sudden, prevented their design, and secured that place 
for the Parliament. This was a great disappointment to 
the enemy, not only because it kept their friends in those 
parts from rising, but in a great measure obstructed their 
correspondence with the western counties. However it 
being reported that Coventry had declared for them, they 
received fresh incouragement, and hoped that it might 
prove an occasion to divert the London forces from ad- 
vancing towards them, and were not without expectations 
of a party to appear for them in or about London. Neither 
were their hopes in this particular without foundation : 
for the Presbyterian party did so greatly favour this 
abominable design, wherein the whole Popish party was 
likewise engaged, that many of them, tho they could not 
be drawn to join in the dangerous part of acting against 
the Parliament, yet openly denied their assistance to 
suppress the enemy. Of this sort was Col. Fotherby who 
commanded the forces in the county of Warwick, and had 
faithfully served the Parliament to this time, yet now 
refused to act for them. So that the old Colonel Purefoy, 
who had one foot in the grave, was obliged to undertake 
that employment in those parts, wherein he used such 
diligence, and succeeded so well, that he kept the city of 
Coventry and the adjacent country in the obedience of the 
Parliament. And tho the contagion had infected many 
within the city of London, yet the vigilance and diligence 
of the Parliament prevented it from manifesting it self in an 



no Irish forces sent to England. 

l6 59 open revolt, by a timely seizing or frighting away such as 
were most dangerous to the publick peace. The messenger 

July 3- that had been sent to Ireland from the Council of State, 
brought orders to me for one thousand foot and five 
hundred horse, to be sent to their assistance in England 1 . 
And tho, considering the posture of our affairs, the 
suspicion we had of the Scots, the number of the Irish, 
and that spirit of revenge they were possessed with, 
together with the condition of our own forces, who had 
been debauching for some years from the interest of the 
Commonwealth, we seemed rather to stand in need of 
relief from England, than to be in a capacity of sending 
any thither, yet having received such orders from our 
superiours, we thought it our duty to obey them. And 
therefore by the advice of the field-officers, it was resolved 
to draw together those forces that lay most convenient for 
transportation ; and that the publick service might not 
suffer by any delay that could be avoided,the Commissioners 
of Parliament caused an embargo to be laid upon all the 

Aug. 6. vessels then in the harbour 2 . Lieutenant-General Fleetwood 
having in a letter to me desired that Col. Zanchey might 
command the forces to be sent from Ireland, I readily 
consented to it, having no suspicion of any design con- 
cealed under that request ; and being informed by Col. 
Axtel that he also had some important affairs in England, 
which he had left unsettled, I appointed him to command 
the foot. Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, Major Rawlins, 
Major Bolton, and Major Godfrey, were the rest of the 
field-officers. I ordered that the party to be transported 
to England should be drawn to Dublin ; and as soon as 

1 On July 30, Ludlow was ordered return to Ireland, and were voted on 

to send over 1,000 foot and 500 Sept. 8, i : 8oo, in part payment of 

horse. He was to land them near their services. Cal. S. P., Dom., 

Chester, at Liverpool or Beaumaris. 1659-60, pp. 168, 179, 180. 

Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659-60, pp. 54, 73, a The order imposing the embargo 

90. They landed before Aug. 20 was made on Aug. 6. It was to be in 

(Mercurius Politicus, p. 674), and force for seven days. It was taken 

took part in the recapture of Chirk.. off by order of Aug 16. 
On Sept. 3 they were ordered to 



The first party lands in Wales. 1 1 1 

a considerable number of them were arrived there, orders 1659 
were dispatched for their transportation, on assurance 
that the speedy landing of our forces from Ireland would 
tend to the discouragement of our enemies, and great en- 
couragement of our friends. Having drawn the first party, 
which was to be imbarked, to the water-side, consisting of 
about four hundred, we caused two months' pay to be 
advanced to them, one to enable them to pay their debts 
in Ireland, the other was put into the hands of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Walker, who commanded them, to be delivered to 
them as soon as they should arrive in England. The 
officers and souldiers undertook the service with all 
imaginable cheerfulness ; and one of the vessels that was 
appointed to carry Capt. Jacomb and his company not 
being able to approach so near the shoar as to make it 
convenient for the souldiers to imbark, the captain put 
himself into the water, which his men seeing, they soon 
followed his example, and all together, with the sea almost 
up to the shoulders, marched through to the ship. They 
had a very favourable passage, and landed seasonably in 
England : for it happened that the third day after their 
arrival Lieutenant-Colonel Walker took up his quarters at 
a town in Carnarvanshire, where many disaffected gentle- 
men and others of those parts had appointed to rendezvouz 
the next day ; but fearing he might ruin the country, if 
they appeared in arms, they quitted their design, and kept 
themselves at home. 

The Parliament, tho they had resolved to send some 
forces against Sir George Booth, yet they were doubtful 
to whom they should commit that province. And whilst 
that matter was under their consideration, some persons 
of the King's party addressed themselves to the wife of 
Col. Lambert, endeavouring to perswade her to solicite her 
husband to be the instrument of the King's return, with 
large offers of whatsoever terms he would demand. She 
acquainted the colonel with their propositions ; but he 
having resolved to play another part, discovered the whole 
intrigue to Sir Henry Vane, who having communicated it 



112 Lambert sent against Booth. 

1659 to Sir Arthur Haslerig, and knowing there had been some 
late differences between the colonel and Sir Arthur, he 
perswaded them to renew their former friendship, with 
promises on each part to unite their endeavours in the 
service of the Parliament. By this means chiefly it was 

ug. 5. that Col. Lambert was soon after appointed to command 
those forces that were designed to suppress the insurrection 
in Cheshire 1 . In this conjuncture the Parliament sent an 
order to Col. Monk, who then commanded their forces in 
Scotland, to send them two regiments of foot and two of 
horse ; but he excused himself, under colour of the enemies 
strength and inclination to revolt, tho there were not 
wanting some who then thought that his engagements with 
the common enemy were the true reasons of that refusal. 
And it is certain, that a gentleman from the King had been 
with him ; and tho what passed between them was not 
made publick, yet since he did not seize him, as it was his 
duty, but permitted him to return safely from whence he 
came, he may justly be suspected even then to have 
betrayed those whom he pretended to serve. The second 
party I sent for England was commanded by Col. Axtel ; 
and the third by Col. Zanchey, to whom I gave also 
a commission to command the whole brigade of horse and 
foot, requiring him to take all advantages against the 
enemy, to relieve our friends, and to obey all such orders 
as he should from time to time receive from the Parliament, 
the Council of State, Col. Lambert, or me. Thus the 
whole number of the forces demanded by the Parliament 
was shipped off within ten days after I had received their 
order, tho some of them were quartered at a great distance 
from Dublin ; and both horse and foot landed very sea- 
sonably in England, tho not without a sad loss. For the 

1 See Ca!. S. P., Dom., 1859-60, Weeverham. A royalist account of 

p. 75. Lambert started on Aug. 6 Booth's defeat is printed in Carte's 

with three regiments of horse, one Original Letters, ii. 194. Lambert's 

of dragoons, three of foot, and a train letters on his victory, and on the 

of artillery. On August 10 he was subsequent capture of Chirk castle, 

at Coventry, on Aug. 15 at Nant- are in Mercurius Politicus, pp. 681, 

wich, on Aug. 18 he advanced to 689. 



The battle of Winnington Bridge. 113 

ship wherein Major Bolton and Major Rawlins, with above 1659 
thirty private souldiers, had embarked, sprung a leak in her 
passage, and sunk down x . The Irish Brigade being joined 
and arrived at Chester, they sent to Col. Croxton, to let 
him know, that if he should be driven to extremity before 
any relief should come to him from London, they had 
resolved to attempt it themselves. 

On the 6th of August, 1659, Col. Lambert at the head 
of three regiments of horse, one of dragoons, and three 
regiments of foot, marched from London against Sir George 
Booth and his party, who were about four thousand in 
number. The enemy had possessed themselves of the 
town of Warrington. and had placed a party of about three 
hundred to defend it, having lodged their main body on 
the other side of the river, and posted a good number of 
men to keep the bridg against ours. At this place the Aug. 1 
forces on each side met, and the enemy began the action, 
by sending out a party to skirmish with an advanced 
party of Col. Lambert. But being repulsed, and retreating 
beyond the bridg, their body of horse consisting of about 
seventeen or eighteen hundred, one half whereof they 
reported to be gentlemen, began to run before our horse 
could come up to charge them, leaving their foot to be cut 
in pieces, except only about thirty or forty of their horse 
commanded by Capt. Morgan, who endeavouring to secure 
their retreat, was killed in the action. Many of their foot 
escaped by leaping over the hedges, and hiding themselves. 
But their surest protection was their having engaged against 
those that were more ready to save than destroy them. 
So that tho the whole force of the enemy was entirely 
defeated, yet there were not above forty of them killed. 
About six or seven hundred of their horse in scattered and 

1 On Sept. 9, Parliament ordered that of Cooper's. Major Francis 

payment of the debts due by the Bolton was of Pritty's regiment of 

state to Majors Bolton, Rawlins, and horse. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659-60, 

other soldiers and officers cast away pp. 12, 198. A letter from Ludlow 

in coming from Ireland. C. J. vii. on their behalf, dated 14 Sept. 1659, 

776. Thomas Rawlins was major is printed in the Appendix, 
of Ludlow's regiment, and before 
VOL. II. I 



1 1 4 Sir George Booth captured. 

1659 broken parties fled to Chester ; but not thinking themselves 
safe there, they went into North Wales, and the town was 
delivered up to Col. Lambert. Sir George Booth after his 
defeat put himself into a woman's habit, and with two 
servants hoped to escape to London, riding behind one of 
them. The single horseman going before, went to an inn 
on the road, and, as he had been ordered, bespoke a supper 
for his mistress, who he said was coming after. The pre- 
tended mistress being arrived, either by alighting from the 
horse, or some other action, raised a suspicion in the 
master of the house, that there was some mystery under 
that dress. And thereupon resolving to make a full inquiry 
into the matter, he got together some of his neighbours to 
assist him, and with them entred the room where the pre- 
tended lady was. But Sir George Booth suspecting their 
intentions, and being unwilling to put them to the trouble 
of a farther search, discovered himself. Whereupon they 
Aug. 24. took him into their custodyj and sent him up to London, 
where the Parliament committed him prisoner to the 
Tower. From the sad consideration of these and other 
unsuccessful attempts, the Cavalier party and those that 
sided with them began to despair, and to give their cause 
for lost, unless by divisions amongst our selves we should 
render our victories useless to us : which fell out sooner 
than they expected. For the officers of the army, whom 
nothing would satisfy less than an absolute tyranny over 
the nation, notwithstanding the solemn engagement they 
had taken before the Parliament at the time when they 
received their commissions from the hands of the Speaker, 
and all their expressions of sorrow for their former apostacy 
so often repeated in their last declarations ; these wretched 
men, I say, contrary to their faith, and the duties of common 
honesty, resolved to destroy the Parliament, and in imitation 
of their late master Oliver to sacrifice the common cause 
to their insatiable ambition. In order to this, Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood moved the House at the time when 
they had received the account of Sir George Booth's defeat, 
that they would appoint Col. Lambert to be Major-General 



Lambert rewarded by Parliament. 1 1 5 

of their army; and this was done upon certain assurance 1659 
that Sir Arthur Haslerig and other members would en- 
deavour to obstruct it ; whereby they doubted not the 
colonel would be so far disobliged as to be ready to join 
with them in their detestable design. And it succeeded 
according to their expectations : for Sir Arthur Haslerig 
well knowing that in a free Commonwealth no man ought 
to be trusted with too great power, and especially such as 
had made very ill use of it before, prevailed with the 
Parliament to declare that they would not create any more 
general officers than those that were so already; which 
method they took, that they might not seem to put 
a negative upon him in particular. The Lieutenant- 
General having attained his end in the first motion, was 
encouraged to move again, that seeing the House had not 
thought fit to do as he had proposed, they would be pleased 
to present the sum of five hundred or a thousand pounds Aug. 23. 
to Col. Lambert, as a mark of their favour, to be conferred 
on him in consideration of his late service. This proposi- 
tion was most willingly entertained, Sir Arthur Haslerig 
concurring with those who were for the greater sum, which 
was paid to him accordingly '. But the Parliament's 
refusal to gratify him with the title before-mentioned, was 
aggravated to that degree, that he, together with many 
officers more amongst whom he had an interest, became 
most implacable enemies to the Parliament. In the mean Aug. 24. 
time a committee was sent to examine Sir George Booth 
in the Tower, touching the design wherein he had been 
engaged, and the persons that had promised to join with 
him 2 . He confessed to have received a commission from 
the King, and that many of the nobility and gentry had 

1 Parliament voted Lambert 1000 " On the arrest of Sir George 

to buy him a jewel as a mark of the Booth see the Publick Intelligencer, 

favour of the Parliament for his Aug. 22-29, P- 681 ; C. J. vii. 768. 

signal service. C. J. vii. 766. The On his examinations, C. J. vii. 768, 

failure of the proposal to appoint 770, 778, 785; Cal. S. P., Dom., 

Lambert Major-General is also 1659-60, pp. 154, 163 ; Guizot, 

mentioned by Bordeaux. Guizot, Richard Cromwell, i. 466. 
i. 464. 

I 2 



n6 The settlement of Ireland. 

1659 promised to appear with him, whereof he discovered some, 
and desired more time to recollect himself concerning 
others * ; and upon examination of a boy which brought, 
as was supposed, a letter from Sir George Booth before his 
rising to Sir A. A. Cooper, it was found that he dismissed 
the boy with much civility, in token of consenting to what 
was done. 

During these transactions I had endeavoured as well as 
I could to dispatch those affairs in Ireland which were 
intrusted to my care. I had delivered out new commissions 
to the officers there, and had disposed of several commands 
that were either vacant by the refusal of some to take the 
engagement enjoined by the Parliament, or in the hands of 
persons disaffected to the government. I had furnished 
the garrisons with provisions and ammunition for three 
months, and settled a militia in each county as considerable 
as the army it self, consisting for the most part of men that 
had experience, and had readily engaged to be true and 
faithful to the Commonwealth 2 . This work was attended 

1 The latter part of this paragraph in respect of invasions from Spain 
is from the suppressed passages u P on any opportunity, ' and ' in 
printed by Mr. Christie. regard information is given of an 

2 On Aug. 29, the Council of State intent to transport some Irish and 
appointed a committee for Irish and other foreign forces from St. Se- 
Scotch affairs. Cal. S. P., Dom., bastian or other parts of Spain.' 
1659 60, p. 157. On Sept. 5, the The letters of the Commissioners 
committee ordered that 500 barrels from Ireland also set forth 'the great 
of powder should be sent over to detriment that accrues both to the 
Ireland, and that all Irish officers in public revenue and to every man's 
England should be sent back to their private concernments for want of 
regiments. They also asked that Courts of Justice there, by reason 
Parliament would authorise the Irish whereof no suit nor action can be 
Commissioners to raise a militia had in any case where the Common- 
amongst the well-affected there, and wealth or any private person is 
that a division of the fleet might be concerned, nor any person now in 
sent to guard the Irish seas. The gaol for murder or other felonies 
reason given for these measures was capable of trial, nor any justice of 
' the dangerous condition of Ireland, peace, nor sheriff capable to act 
by reason of several discontented upon any other foundation than by 
officers in Ireland lately put out of virtue of the late Act for continuing 
command, and disaffected English sher iffs and justices.' Irish S. P., - 
and Scotch there, especially Ulster, 2-7 f n 

and of the multitude of Irish, and 



Ludlow purges the Irish Army. 117 

with many difficulties ; for I found divers of the officers 1659 
guilty of habitual immoralities, many of them accustomed 
to detain the pay of the private souldiers, and most of them 
debauched in their principles by the late usurpation of the 
Cromwels. I endeavoured to clear the army of such as 
were most guilty, and thereby hoped to reform the rest. 
I also appointed fit persons to inquire into the principles 
and practices of the private souldiers, as well horse as foot 1 , 
and upon full information dismissed such as appeared in- 
corrigible, and placed others in the room of them, of whom 
we had better hopes, together with as many of those as we 
could find who had been cashiered on account of their 
affection to the Parliament. 

Upon the news of our success against Sir George Booth, 
Col. Lockart our ambassador at the Pyrenean Treaty, 
began to be courted by the Spaniard, as he had been before 
by the French ; and our plenipotentiaries met with good 
success in their mediation for an agreement between the 
two northern crowns ; and the Dutch not daring to attempt 
what they had designed for the King of Denmark, the 
two kings were in a fair way to a peace, tho the King 
of Sweden had expressed his discontent, that the two 
Commonwealths should form conditions to be imposed 

1 ' Whereas it is informed that inquiry after such soldiers as having 

divers soldiers of the army, especi- formerly been Popish Recusants(not- 

ally in the Province of Connaught withstanding that they pretend to be 

and County of Clare, have married Protestants), may justly be suspected 

Irish Papists, contrary to sundry to continue Papists. His Excellency 

declarations made in that behalf ; is further desired to take such course 

Ordered that his Excellency the as he shall think fit for making the 

Lieut.-General, Commander-in-Chief like inquiry or inspection into the 

of the Forces in Ireland, be hereby rest of the army, if any such there be 

desired to give speedy order for in the other three provinces ; to the 

a strict inquiry to be made after end that upon due knowledge such 

such of the army, being either proceedings may be had therein as 

English, Scotch, or natives of Ire- shall be agreeable to the rules and 

land within the said province of discipline of the army.' 9 Sept., 

Connaught and County of Clare, as ifi Irish Records> A r? p ^ 
have since being members of the X 7 

army, taken Irish Papists to their Compare Prendergast, Cromwellian 

wives ; as also to make the like Settlement, pp. 233, 260. 



n8 The petition of Lambert's brigade. 

1659 upon crowned heads. But being told by Col. Algernon 
Sydney, that the friendship of England was not to be 
obtained on any other terms, he seemed to acquiesce *. 
But to return from my digression. 

In the month of September, 1659, a petition came to my 
hands that had been addressed to the Parliament from the 
officers of that brigade which was commanded by Col. 
Lambert, and signed from Darby 2 , wherein they aspersed 
the Parliament for not endeavouring to suppress the late 
rebellion with such vigour as they ought, for not punishing 
those who had been engaged in it, and for not rewarding 
the officers who had defeated the enemy. They pressed 
for a settlement of the government after their own mode, 
in a representative of the people, and a select senate. And 
for the better discovery of their arbitrary designs, they de- 
manded that Lieutenant-General Fleetwood might be made 
Commander-in-Chief of the army, without any limitation 
of time ; Col. Lambert appointed Major-General, Col. Des- 
borow Lieutenant-General of the Horse, and Col. Monk 
Major-General of the Foot. To which they added, that 
no officer of the army should be dismissed from his com- 
mand, unless by a court martial. Copies of this petition 
were sent by Col. Zanchey into Ireland, accompanied with 
letters to desire that it might be communicated to the 
officers there, and their concurrence procured. Being 
sensible of the ill effects that might arise from this wicked 
attempt, if it should succeed according to their hopes, 
amongst the officers in Ireland, I summoned as many of 

1 See Guizot, Richard Cromwell, sequence ' ; and that ' to have any 

i. 168-172; and Ewald, Life of more general officers in the army 

Algernon Sydney, i. 220 ; Blen- than are already settled by the 

cowe's Sydney Papers, p. 163. Parliament is needless, chargeable, 

3 This petition is printed by Phillips and dangerous to the Common- 
in his continuation of Baker's wealth. C. J. vii. 785. Guizot, i. 
Chronicle, p. 677. It was agreed to 482. The petition is entitled the 
onSept.i6,and laid before Parliament 'Humble Petition and Proposals of 
Sept. 22. On Sept. 23 the House the Officers under the Command of 
voted that some of the matters the Right Honourable the Lord 
contained in the petition were ' un- Lambert in the late Northern Ex- 
seasonable and of dangerous con- pedition.' 



Ludlow and the Irish officers. 1 1 9 

them as were quartered near Dublin, to meet there * ; and 1659 
being met, I endeavoured to convince them of the deformity 
and hazard of this design of the army, desiring them to 
remember how successful they had been whilst they con- 
tained themselves within their proper station, and how all 
their attempts had miscarried when they intermedled with 
those things that did not belong to them ; and that they 
would not forget how well the army had been paid as long 
as the Parliament had the management of affairs, and how 
much they had been in arrears since that time. I shewed 
them that the Parliament could not fail of coming to 
a speedy determination touching the settlement of a just 
and equal government, since they had declared that 
a period should be put to their sitting in the month of 
May next following : that the nation would never endure 
to be governed by the sword : that it was a meer calumny 
to say, that the Parliament had not contributed their en- 
deavours towards the suppression of the late tumults ; for 
nothing could have been attempted against the enemies 
but by their orders : that it was manifest they had gratified 
those that had been instrumental in that service, having 
freely given the sum of a thousand pounds to Col. Lam- 
bert, and two hundred pounds to Lieutenant -Colonel 
Duckenfield ; and that no private souldier, who had been 
concerned in that action, might remain unrewarded, they 
had given the personal estate of Sir Thomas Middleton, 
amounting to about three thousand pounds, to be dis- 
tributed amongst them. I endeavoured to perswade them, 
that the commission granted to Lieutenant-General Fleet- 
wood was as full and ample as could justly be desired, he 

1 From this point Ludlow is en- in the letters between Ludlow and 

deavouring to vindicate himself from Sir Hardress Waller, which are also 

the charge of complicity with the reprinted. To these are added 

army in their action against the extracts from a pamphlet in defence 

Parliament. His statements should of Ludlow, entitled, A Sober Vin- 

be compared with those made in the dication of Lieut-Gen. Ludlow and 

articles of impeachment, presented others .... By a faithful friend to 

against him in Jan. 1660, and now the Parliament and Commonwealth, 

printed in the Appendix to this 410, 1660. 
volume. Similar charges are made 



I2O The Irish officers support Parliament. 

1659 being thereby appointed to continue in his command till 
the Parliament should find cause to the contrary: that if 
they had refused to make more general officers, it was 
because they knew it to be unnecessary and dangerous ; 
and that Col. Lambert, without the title of Major-General, 
had done as good service as if he had been graced with that 
addition. Then the council of officers entred upon the 
debate of the heads of the petition from point to point, 
and after mature deliberation unanimously declared their 
dislike of it, and their resolutions to acknowledg the 
supreme authority of the nation to be in the Parliament, 
and to stand by them in the prosecution of the common 
cause wherein they had been employed. And because 
a petition to that effect could not be immediately drawn, 
I sent away the said resolutions that very day to Sir Arthur 
Haslerig, with a promise of a farther declaration as soon as 
possible, resolving not to neglect this opportunity, out of 
a belief that our proceedings might be of use, as well to 
incourage our friends, as to discourage our enemies in Eng- 
land. It may be observed that in this conjuncture Col. Monk 
sent also letters to the Parliament, declaring his resolu- 
tion not to join in the dangerous counsels of the army ; 
but to keep the officers that were under his command 
within the rules of modesty and obedience 1 . 

The army not unmindful of their grand design, perswaded 

1 Monk had been applied toby the At the same time he authorised his 

officers of Lambert's brigade to join brother-in-law Clarges to acquaint 

with them in their original petition some of the leading members ' that 

to Parliament, but had given them if they would assert their own 

no encouragement. When their authority, he would march into 

second petition (that presented on England, to justify it against any 

Oct. 5 x j was being discussed in the opposition.' On Oct. 5, Parliament 

council of the army, the minority had received a letter from him 

who opposed it sent a copy to describing the peaceful condition 

Monk, and urged him to employ of Scotland and commending the 

his credit with Lambert and Fleet- temper of his army, and had sent 

wood to put a stop to it Monk him a warm letter of thanks. This 

wrote to Fleetwood making some support greatly encouraged them in 

objections to the terms of the their dealings with the English 

petition, but his letter did not arrive army. Baker's Chronicle, pp. 676- 

till it was practically agreed upon. 681. 



Parliament and the City. 121 

some of their friends in the Parliament to move for an 1*659 
order to continue Alderman Ireton, then Mayor, and one Sept. 2. 
of their confidents, in that office for the next succeeding 
year. And Parliament seemed at the first inclined to 
grant their request, having perceived great discontents 
amongst the citizens of London at the time of the late 
insurrections : but the spirit of sedition being much 
allayed since the suppression of the rebels, the City 
petitioned the Parliament to permit them the enjoyment of 
their privilege to elect their Mayor, promising to employ 
that favour, and all that they had, for their service. Where- Sept. 28. 
upon they were permitted to proceed in that affair according 
to custom ; and Sir Thomas Allen, a man of a moderate 
spirit, being chosen, they invited the Parliament and chief Oct. i. 
officers of the army to a splendid entertainment at dinner. Oct. 6. 

By this time I had almost compleated a list for new 
modelling the army in Ireland, in order to be presented to 
the Committee of Nominations ; and thinking it necessary, 
before my departure for England, to remove such persons 
as gave the greatest cause of suspicion, I filled their places 
with those, in whom I might best confide, and who had 
given evident proof of their affection to the publick. There 
remained another business of the greatest importance, and 
wherein I found it difficult to come to a resolution, and 
that was to appoint a person to command the forces in 
Ireland in my absence. My inclinations led me to lodg 
that power with the Commissioners of the Parliament : 
but Lieutenant-General Fleetwood pressed me so earnestly 
against it, that I was prevailed with to lay aside that 
thought. 'Tis probable that the Lieutenant-General was 
unwilling to have it discovered that such an office might be 
managed by more than one, lest it should tend to the 
diminution of his own power, he being Commander-in-Chief 
of the forces in England and Scotland. But the Parlia- 
ment having made no distinction amongst the colonels by 
any superiour titles, I was much embarrassed how to proceed. 
Col. Zanchy was the eldest colonel, and most earnestly 
desired the imployment : but when I considered his carriage 



122 



Sir Hardress Waller. 



1659 in the contriving, abetting and promoting that base petition 
lately sent from Darby by the officers of the army to the 
Parliament, as I mentioned before, I could not think him 
to be a man proper for so great a trust. Sir Hardress 
Waller had been Major-General of the foot, one of the late 
King's judges, and of good ability and experience in war: 
but he having complied with every party that had been 
uppermost, and especially having not yet received the 
Parliament's confirmation for the regiment he commanded, 
I durst by no means entrust him with the command of the 
intire forces 1 . After much deliberation, I resolved, as the 



1 Waller's conduct had exposed 
him to the suspicion of too great at- 
tachment to Cromwell and his family, 
from which he was anxious to 
vindicate himself. On June 22, 1659, 
he wrote to the Speaker, complaining 
of misrepresentations and protesting 
his faithfulness to the Parliament. 
' I can appeal to the experience of 
my actings in their service, both in 
England my native country, where 
I remayned in their service untill 
I was by this present Parlyament 
commanded into Ireland in '49 ; that 
I have passed through the greatest 
of their shakings and tryalls, and 
espetially that most peculiar test of 
all others of owneing and adhearing 
to that good ould cause past retreat, 
for which I have been posted up for 
destruction, and my eldest son 
assassinated abroad, though through 
mercy preserved ; that when I left 
England, which is nowe neere seaven 
yeers since, I left this Parlyament 
sitting, having before my comming 
receaved from them the highest 
marke of justice, honour and bounty, 
that ever I receaved from men, and 
what high disobligations I have re- 
ceaved since their interruption I 
take noe pleasure to relate, and 
I wish it were not notorious to the 
world ; soe that if the arguments of 



principles, interest, or affection may 
be pleaded, I presume my case corns 
fully within them all, and what my 
actings have been in my present 
station since the restoring of this 
Parlyament I appeale to God and 
good men, it being not donn in 
a corner. If it should be imputed 
as a cryme that I continued my 
imployment, and did not dissert this 
nation, to that I must say [I] did 
not apprehend any such call, it being 
the place where Providence had cast 
me and there only [al'Jfoording me 
a support and lyvelyhood for soe 
numerous a family, besides my con- 
tinuance heere was not thought 
unusefull by the advice of godly 
persons, who I presume wilbe 
credited therin past exception ; and 
allthough I cannot easily bringe my- 
selfe to expresse these thinges in 
my owne case, yet least sylence 
should betray my innocencye, I have 
been imbouldened heerunto, desire- 
ing noe other judges on this syde 
Heaven for my actings then a 
Parlyament, to whom I appeale and 
petition for that liberty to come and 
answear for myselfe before any 
thinge of disrepute or prejudice be 
cast uppon me.' Tanner MSS. li. 
87. 



Col. John Jones. 123 

best expedient I could find, to nominate Col. John Jones 1659 
to command the forces of Ireland in my absence ; he being 
a Member of Parliament, one of the late King's judges, and 
one of the Commissioners of Parliament for the adminis- 
tration of the Civil Government in Ireland : by virtue of 
which qualifications I hoped he might be approved by the 
Parliament, acceptable to the officers of the army, and 
stedfast in the defence of the common cause. Having 
taken this resolution, and being willing to keep a good 
correspondence with the army in England, I informed 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood with my intentions, desiring 
that if he approved my choice, he would procure the 
Parliament to be moved to give their approbation. But 
he having, it seems, cast off his respect to the Parliament 
returned me in answer, that I was sufficiently authorized 
by my commission to constitute one to command in chief 
during my absence ; and that I had made, in his opinion, 
a very good choice. All this while I had not acquainted 
Col. Jones with my resolution touching him, nor intended 
to do it till the time of my departure drew near, and till 
I had prepared the officers of the army to give him their 
assistance in the execution of his charge. To this end 
I discoursed with Sir Hardress Waller, and freely told him 
the reasons why I had not appointed him to command in 
chief, assuring him that I had committed that imployment 
to one of the Commissioners of the Parliament in a great 
measure out of respect to him, that I might not be obliged 
to lodg it with Col. Zanchey, who tho he was a younger 
officer, yet being the first that was commissionated by the 
Parliament, expected it of course. Sir Hardress seemed 
well satisfied with what I had said, and promised his hearty 
assistance to Col. Jones. There was no necessity to labour 
so much to give satisfaction to Sir Charles Coote in this 
particular : for he seemed to aim at nothing more than to 
keep his government in Connaught, of which province he 
was President by Act of Parliament, and to have his regiment 
of foot and troop of horse continued to him. I assured him 
of my endeavours that all those things might be confirmed 



124 The Parliament and the Army-petition. 

1659 to him by the Parliament, in hopes that he would imploy 
them in the defence and preservation of that authority, 
under which he had done so many services, and from whom 
he had received so many marks of favour. This he 
promised to do, and added, that he was fully convinced 
that his interest was wholly involved in the preservation of 
the Parliament, all that he enjoyed being derived from their 
authority ; and that as he had opposed the late King in his 
arbitrary designs, so he would continue to act in conformity 
to those actions, well knowing that if the son should happen 
to prevail, the English interest would be lost in Ireland, 
and the Irish restored to the possession of their lands, 
according to an agreement passed between them. So 
having given me these assurances, he took his leave, in order 
to return to his government. 

The petition before-mentioned that had been agreed on 

Sept. 16. by the officers of the army at Darby, coming to the know- 
ledg of the Parliament, with the endeavours that were used 
to procure subscriptions to it ; some, who knew it to be 
a contrivance of Col. Lambert, moved that he might be 
sent to the Tower : and it had been well, either that the 
motion had better succeeded, or that it had never been 

Sept. 23. made x . But it ended only in passing a vote to disapprove 
the petition and the proceedings thereupon, and to require 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood to send letters to all parts 
to obstruct any farther progress therein. One of the said 
letters was sent to Ireland, which in effect was answered 
before it came, we having drawn up a petition in con- 
sequence of our vote, which I mentioned before ; wherein, 
after we had asserted our cause, desired a just and equal 
magistracy, and the reformation of such things as should 
be found amiss in Church and State, we assured the Parlia- 
ment of our readiness to lay down our lives in their service, 
and in the prosecution of those great ends. This affair 
being dispatched, Col. Lawrence, whom I am perswaded 

1 Bordeaux confirms the state- Tower. Guizot, Richard Cromwell, 
ment that it was suggested that i. 479, 483. 
Lambert should be sent to the 



Ludlow prepares to leave Ireland. 125 

was accessory to the design carried on at Wallingford 
House, suspecting that whilst I staid in Ireland, the army 
there could not be wrought upon by that faction, advised 
me to hasten my departure, telling me that Ireland being 
now settled, I might do more good in England, where my 
assistance might be wanted. I suspected not the sincerity 
of his counsel, and having divers reasons to move me to it, 
I prepared my self for my journey, and with much difficulty 
prevailed with Serjeant Steel, who had supplied the place 
of Chancellour during the usurpation, to remain in Ireland, 
tho he earnestly desired to go over with me about some 
affairs relating to his office : but I thought it might prove 
too great a discouragement to our friends, if we should 
both leave them together, and therefore promised him to 
endeavour that nothing might pass the Parliament relating 
to the Courts of Justice in Ireland, till he should be heard 
concerning it. These things done, I acquainted Col. Jones 
with my resolution, who after some expressions of modesty 
and gratitude accepted the imployment, and promised to 
apply himself with all possible fidelity and diligence to the 
discharge of it. Upon which promise and acceptance, 
I went to the Commissioners, and desired their approbation. 
But Col. Thomlinson who was one of them, either from 
a belief that I had not power to constitute a deputy, 
or resenting that he was not the person, or at least joined 
in the commission with Col. Jones, moved the rest of the 
Commissioners not to intermeddle in that affair, tho without 
effect. For it was carried against his opinion at the board, 
and Col. Jones approved, in virtue of a clause in my com- 
mission, authorizing me to depute whom I thought fit for 
leading and conducting the army. In consequence of this 
they passed an order to confirm my choice, and to require 
all colonels, lieutenant-colonels and other inferiour officers 
&c. to yield obedience to him, in the execution of the com- 
mission which he had received from me. Then I called 
a council of officers, and informed them that the Commis- 
sioners of Parliament and myself had impowered Col. John 
Jones, of whose fidelity to the publick, and peculiar affection 



126 Ludlow embarks for England. 

1659 to them, they had large experience, to command the army 
during the time that their service might detain me in 
England ; desiring them to afford him the best of their 
assistance in the execution of that trust, which they 
unanimously promised to do. Before my departure, the 
mayor and aldermen of Dublin having formed the militia 
of that place, whereof both officers and souldiers had taken 
the engagement, they were desirous to give some publick 
expression of their affection to the Commonwealth ; and to 
that end on the day I designed to imbark, they drew their 
forces into the field, consisting of about twelve hundred foot 
and one hundred and twenty horse, that I might view 
them, and report to the Parliament their readiness to 
serve the publick. Accordingly the Commissioners in their 
coaches, and I with the officers of the army on horseback, 
took a view of them, as they were drawn up on the College 
Green, being all very well equipped, and drawn up in good 
order, and indeed so exact in the performance of their 
exercise, that one would have thought them to have been 
long in the service 1 . Here they repeated their resolutions 
to serve the cause of God and their country with the 
utmost of their endeavours, and promised to live and die 
with us in the assertion of our just rights and liberties. 
When they had finished their exercise, I took leave of each 
officer at the head of his respective company, and went that 
evening to my house at Moncktown, in order to imbark for 
England. The Commissioners of the Parliament did me 
the honour to accompany me about half a mile out of town 
and the officers of the army would have attended me to 

1 On Aug. 8 the Commissioners evidences a cheerful disposition both 

had given leave for Volunteers to to the public welfare of the nation 

exercise themselves in Dublin, for the and likewise to the particular security 

following reasons : ' Consideration of this place, and that by reviving 

being had of the humble petition of so commendable an exercise the 

several well affected persons inhabi- petitioners may receive all due 

tants in the City of Dublin. . desiring countenance and encouragement to 

license to meet weekly at a military become exemplary to the other well 

ground which they propose to erect affected personsand places,' &c. Irish 

in this city at their own charge. Records> A J? aQ 
Forasmuch as the said proposition X 7 



News of the expulsion of the Parliament. 127 

my house. But because it was late, I would not permit 1659 
Sir Hardress Waller and the rest of the officers to go further 
than half way. The next day after I had signed such com- 
missions and orders as I thought necessary, and was ready 
to go on board, Col. Jones, Sir Hardress Waller, with most 
of the officers about Dublin, and my good friend Chief 
Justice Cook, came down to me, and accompanied me to 
the sea-side, where we took leave of each other with mutual 
recommendations to the direction and protection of Almighty 
God. The next day I arrived in the road without the Bay 
of Beaumaris, and there meeting with some vessels coming 
from Chester, I inquired of them if the Irish Brigade were 
yet put to sea for Ireland, having been assured that the 
Council of State had given orders for their transportation. 
They informed me that the said brigade had lain long at 
the waterside, in order to imbark, and had prepared many 
vessels to that end ; but that all the ships were now dis- 
charged upon orders received from Col. Zanchey for those 
forces to march for London. This information gave me 
occasion to suspect what was soon after confirmed to me, 
for at my arrival in the bay, which was in the evening, the 
Governour of Beaumaris and another officer came to me on 
board, and informed me that the army had offered violence 
a second time to the Parliament and resumed the power 
into their hands. This astonishing news put me into 
a doubt whether I should return to my command in 
Ireland, or continue my journey to London. On the one 
hand I considered that those who were under my particular 
care and conduct being in Ireland, my presence might be 
necessary amongst them, to excite them to the performance 
of their duty. On the other side, when I called to mind 
that I had done as much as I could to secure their service 
to the Parliament, that I had brought a declaration from them 
to that purpose, and left the chief command in the hands of 
a person that had great reasons to move him to be faithful 
in his charge, I was inclined to go forward in my journey. 
And when I considered the mischiefs likely to follow upon a 
breach between the Parliament and army, which I concluded 



128 L-udlow meets Col. Barrow. 

1659 would inevitably prove the ruin of both ; and that it was not 
impossible that I might contribute something towards a re- 
conciliation ; in conclusion knowing that in my way I should 
have an opportunity of conferring with the Irish Brigade, 
I resolved to continue my journy ; and the next morning 
as I passed the ferry at Conway, I perceived a person 
riding post towards us, who coming nearer appeared to be 
one Col. Barrow, dispatched from the Council of Officers at 
London, with a message to me and the rest of the officers 
in Ireland, to give us an account of their proceedings, and 
what satisfaction they could concerning them *. He de- 
livered to me two letters, one from the Council of Officers 
directed to me, and to be communicated to the army in 
Ireland : the other from Lieutenant-General Fleetwood to 
my self. In that from the officers they endeavoured to 
put the best gloss they could upon their late action, 
pleading the force of necessity in their excuse, and pro- 
testing to improve every opportunity to promote the 
publick good, with this expression inserted, that they 
had been necessitated to obstruct the sitting of the Parlia- 
ment for the present. That from Lieut. -Gen. Fleetwood 
was much to the same purpose, desiring me to exercise my 
charity to them, and labouring to clear his own integrity 
in the late transaction. Col. Barrow also endeavoured to 
perswade me that the Parliament had on many occasions 
manifested such a spirit of imposition, as was become in- 
tolerable ; that they had designed to ruin their most antient 
and best friends ; and that the officers had taken the power 
into their own hands, only to imploy it to the full satis- 
faction of all honest men. I told him that tho I should be 
extreamly glad to see it so imployed, yet when I considered 
how grossly the nation had been formerly abused under 
the same pretences, I had not the least expectation of it, 
being well informed that all their discontents had no other 
foundation than the experience they had that the Parlia- 
ment would not permit the officers of the army to be their 

1 Col. Barrow was despatched on Nov. 4 gave an account of his 
Oct. 19, returned on Nov. 3, and on mission to the Council of Officers. 



Reflections on the action of the Army. 129 

superiors, and the sword to tyrannize over the civil power l . 1659 
After I had spent about an hour with Col. Barrow in con- 
versation touching this affair, I found no cause to alter my 
resolution concerning my journy, but was rather confirmed 
in my opinion, that my endeavours to adjust the differences 
between the Parliament and army might prove successful ; 
and therefore having perused the letter from the officers at 
London, which was to be communicated to those in Ireland, 
1 delivered it again to Col. Barrow, with another for Col. 
Jones, wherein I desired him to take all possible care, that 
the common enemy might not be able to take advantage 
from this sad conjuncture to disturb the publick peace. 
Then I proceeded in my journy towards Chester, and 
being arrived within three miles of that town, I found the 
officers of horse belonging to the Irish Brigade, who gave 
themselves the trouble towait my coming, and accompanied 
me to the city, where the foot were drawn up, and had 
lined the streets to the place where I was to lodg. The 
next day being Sunday, I staid there, and taking that 
occasion to speak with the officers of the said brigade, 
together with Col. Croxton Governour of Chester, I told 
them freely my thoughts concerning the late precipitate 
enterprize of the army, and, as I was able, endeavoured 
to convince them of the imprudence and injustice of it ; 
delivering for my opinion, that the late address, contrived 
at Darby, had given birth to this unnatural attempt, as it 
was it self the offspring of pride and ambition : that it was 
apparent the army had not put this affront upon the Parlia- 
ment for having omitted the performance of their duty in 
relation to the publick, but meerly on account of themselves 

1 Ludlow's faithfulness to the desired him to put a favourable 

Parliament, saj's his vindicator, was construction upon it, as if there 

evident. When he first heard of its were some necessity for it, he said, 

expulsion by Lambert, at Beaumaris, " It was a necessity of the Devil's 

'some credible persons that were making, and that there was no 

with him say, that he took on visible means under heaven to save 

extremely, lookt paler upon it than the nations, but by a sudden restitu- 

ever he did when he met with an tion of the Parliament." ' ' A Sober 

enemy, that it was dagger news unto Vindication of Lieut. -Gen. Ludlow.' 

him ; and at Chester when some p. 5. 
VOL. II. K 



130 The attitude of the Irish Brigade. 

1659 and their own private interest, having expressed their re- 
sentment in the most outragious manner against the Par- 
liament, for not advancing some officers of the army to such 
powers and titles as had formerly proved fatal to the 
Government ; tho they might have seen by the late success 
of Col. Lambert, that victory is not entailed upon empty 
titles. During this conference there was not one word 
said in excuse of the late horrid act committed by the 
Wallingford House party, but only by one Capt. Winck- 
worth a creature of Col. Zanchey ; all the rest seeming to 
be convinced of the truth of what I had said, affirming that 
they had been surprized, and prevailed upon to sign it, 
without having sufficiently weighed the consequences it 
might produce. In particular Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, 
the chief officer then upon the place, assured me, that it 
being suddenly presented to him with a letter from Col. 
Zanchey, he had too hastily signed it; but after better 
consideration, he had resolved to stop the paper at the 
post-house, which he had done if it had not been dispatched 
away sooner than he expected. 

Whilst I was at Chester there came a messenger from 
the officers of the army at London with letters for those in 
Ireland, which he presented to me, as they were directed. 
Upon the perusal of them I found my former suspicions 
justified, and that the army would be contented with nothing 
less than to have the government established in a court- 
martial. To this end they had agreed that Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood should be Commander-in-Chief of all 
the forces of the Commonwealth, Col. Lambert Major- 
General of the army, Col. Desborow Lieutenant-General 
of the horse, Col. Monk Major-General of the foot ; and 
that all officers of the army who should by their subscriptions 
testify their submission to this agreement, should be con- 
firmed in their commands, from thence never to be dis- 
charged unless by a court-martial: that all officers to be 
presented to any command that should be vacant by 
dismission, death, or otherwise, should be nominated by 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, Sir Henry Vane, Major- 



The Army s Committee of Safety. 131 

General Lambert, Col. Desborow, Col. Berry, my self, or 1659 
any three of us; and to receive their commissions from 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, who also was to grant new 
ones to those that were already possessed of any military 
command. We were informed also by this messenger, that 
the Council of Officers had agreed upon one and twenty Oct. 26. 
persons, with whom they pretended to intrust the administra- 
tion of all civil affairs, under the title of a Committee of 
Safety, resolving to obey them so long as they would do 
what should be prescribed to them. This number, tho 
filled up with men of almost all parties, yet was so craftily 
composed, that the balance was sufficiently secured to those 
of their own faction. The names of the committee were as 
followeth ; Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, Major-General 
Lambert, Col. Desborow, Sir Henry Vane, Major Saloway, 
the Lord Warriston, Col. Tichburn, Commissioner Whit- 
lock, Col. Berry, Mr. Walter Strickland, Col. Hewetson, 
Mr. Cornelius Holland, Sir James Harrington, Alderman 
Ireton, Col. Sydenham, Mr. Serjeant Steel, Mr. Henry 
Brandriff, Col. Monk, Sir Gilbert Pickering, one person 
more, and my self 1 . Notwithstanding all this bad news, 
I resolved to pursue my journey; and having viewed the 
castle of Chester, exhorted the officers of the Irish Brigade 
to persist in their resolutions of fidelity to the Parliament, 
and written to the officers in Ireland to the same purpose, 
I departed from thence on Monday about noon, the streets 
being lined with souldiers as at my arrival. The horse 
accompanied me about three miles on my way, and there 
I found another troop waiting to attend me to Whitchurch, 
where I lay that night. But the next morning having 
permitted them to accompany me about a mile from the 
town, I dismissed them with thanks for their affection, and 
extreamly pleased to be freed from such ceremonies, admiring 

1 A list of the twenty-three persons and Mr. Robert Thomson. White- 
selected to form a committee of safety lock prints the form of summons 
is given in the 'True Narrative 'p. 41. sent him. Memorials, iv. 367; Old 
It omits the name of Monk and adds Parliamentary History, xxii. 3. The 
those of Lords Lawrence and Strick- first meeting of the Committee was 
land, Cols. Lilburn, Clark and Bennet, Oct. 28. 

K 2 



132 Ludlow arrives in London. 

1659 how it should come to pass that so many men delight in 
numerous and magnificent trains, which, besides the trouble 
it puts others to, must necessarily render those for whose 
service they are designed, less useful and easy to themselves. 
At Coventry I found some of the forces that had been in 
the service of the King of France, and lately brought to 
England by order of the Parliament, upon the insurrection 
of Sir George Booth's party. I discoursed with the officers 
concerning their duty in this conjuncture, and exhorted them 
to continue stedfast in their obedience to the Parliament, 
which they promised to do. The next night I lay at 
Northampton, and was informed by some passengers who 
came from London, that Col. Monk had declared against 
the late proceedings of the army. Which news was so 
welcome that I could not give intire credit to it, till it was 
confirmed to me the next night at Dunstable, and the day 
after by my wife, who came to meet me at St. Albans. 
Oct. 29. Being arrived at London, I went to Lieutenant-General 
Fleetwood, who endeavoured to perswade me to go in to 
a council of officers that was then assembled at Wallingford 
House, to consider of letters brought from Col. Monk J . 
I desired to be excused from intermedling in their con- 
sultations, being very ill satisfied with their proceedings, 
accounting them to be founded upon a selfish bottom, and 
therefore not likely to produce any good to the publick. 
He requested me to put a charitable construction on their 
actions, making solemn protestations of his own integrity, 
and adding, that whatsoever opinion I might have conceived 
of them, I should certainly find that Monk's intentions were 
neither sincere nor honest. To which I replied, that tho 
I knew not what designs he might have to carry on, yet it 
ought to be confessed that his publick declaration had 
a better appearance than theirs, who demanded nothing 

1 The 'True Narrative' says under be speedily sent towards the north, 

Oct. 29, ' this night the council of and that the Lord Lambert should 

field-officers met at Wallingford command them. . . This day Lieut.- 

House, by whom it was resolved that General Ludlow arrived here out of 

several regiments of the army should Ireland ' (p. 53). 



The causes of the revolt of the Army. 133 

less than a government by the sword. By him and others 
whom I conversed with, I was fully acquainted with the 
grounds and causes of this second violence offered to the 
Parliament 1 , which had been designed soon after their 
restitution, when the grandees of the army perceived they 
would not be governed by them ; and had been more 
speedily put in execution, if the late tumults of the 
Cavaliers and Presbyterians had not caused it to be put 
off till they were suppressed. The Parliament on their 
part being sensible of their danger, were not wholly 
negligent of the means to prevent it ; tho I cannot say 
they gave no advantages to the faction of the army, by 
disgusting the sectarian party, and falling in with the 
corrupt interests of the lawyers and clergy, wherein the 
army did not fail to outbid them when they saw their 
time. But Sir Arthur Haslerig supposing that a conjunction 
with these men would contribute much to deter the officers 
from any attempt against the Parliament, closed with them, 
and thereby dissatisfied many of the Commonwealth-party. 
Neither did it a little contribute to this disorder, that Sir 
Arthur, who took upon him to be the principal manager of 
affairs in Parliament, was a man of a disobliging carriage, 
sower and morose of temper, liable to be transported with 
passion, and to whom liberality seemed to be a vice. Yet 
to do him justice, I must acknowledg, that I am under 
no manner of doubt concerning the rectitude and sincerity 
of his intentions. For he made it his business to prevent 

1 The army's own official account people. Published by speciall order, 
of the origin of the quarrel with the 4to, 1659. Printed by John Red- 
Parliament and of the proceedings of mayne.' The ' Declaration of the 
the government then set up is : ' A General Councell of the officers of 
True Narrative of the late proceed- the army,' Oct. 27, 1659, was their 
ings in Parliament, Councell of State, first attempt to vindicate themselves. 
General Councell of the Army and These are answered in two pamph- 
Committee of Safety ; from the 22 of lets by E. D. : 'A true relation of 
Sept. untill this present. With all the state of the case between the 
the orders, ordinance, acts, votes, ever-honourable Parliament and the 
declarations, letters, etc. which con- officers of the army ' ; and ' The 
cern the present difference betwixt Declaration of the officers of the 
the Parliament and Army. Faithfully army, opened, examined and con- 
collected for the information of the demned.' 



-134 The conduct of Sir Arthur Haslerig. 

1659 arbitrary power wheresoever he knew it to be affected, and 
to keep the sword subservient to the civil magistrate. To 
this end he had procured many officers to be chosen into 
the army, with whom he hoped to balance that faction that 
appeared every day more and more amongst them. He 
had recommended Col. Fitz to the Parliament for Lieutenant 
of the Tower, and took care on all occasions to oblige 
Col. Monk, who commanded the forces in Scotland J . He 
presumed upon the fidelity of the fleet and forces in Ireland, 
on account of the past services of those that commanded 
them, and their former opposition to the usurpation of 
Cromwel. He had procured a guard of chosen horse 
commanded by Major Evelyn, to attend the Parliament, 
and was assured of Col. Morley's regiment, with those of 
Col. Hacker, Col. Okey, and some others that lay in or 
near the town. In the mean time the officers at Walling- 
ford House had not been idle, and accounting it lawful for 
them to do whatsoever they had power to do, they agreed 
on that petition which I mentioned before to have been 
sent from Darby, and privately sent it down thither to 
be signed and dispersed, and then to be returned to London, 
as if it had been drawn at Darby, and by no means to 
be presented to the Parliament, unless it were first approved 
by Lieutenant - General Fleetwood, and signed, at his 
recommendation, by the officers about London. The Lieu- 
tenant-General having received this pernicious paper, being 
one morning at a committee in the Speaker's chamber 
before the House was sat, shewed it to Sir Arthur Haslerig, 
acquainting him how it came to his hands, pretending his 
dislike of it, and a resolution to put a stop to it. Sir Arthur 
said not much to him concerning it, either suspecting him 
to be in the plot, or thinking that if speedy care were not 

Sept. 22. taken, it would be past all remedy : and therefore procured 

1 Col. Thomas Fitch was voted governor of Inverness and colonel 

Lieutenant of the Tower by Parlia- of a regiment in Scotland, which 

ment on June 10, and received his were both now given to Col. Henry 

commission on June 15 ; C. J. vii. Smith, late governor of Hull ; Ib. 

679, 685. Col. Fitch had been 781. 






The petition of Lamberts brigade debated. 135 

the Speaker immediately to take the chair, and to send for 1659 
the members from the committee into the House. Which 
being done, he obtained an order for shutting the door, and 
bringing the keys to the table, alledging that the business 
which he had to impart to the Parliament required that 
care. Then he communicated to them the petition it self, 
which being read, he aggravated the heinousness of the 
attempt, and moved that Col. Lambert, who commanded 
that part of the army amongst whom it was said to have 
had its beginning, might be accused of high treason, and 
committed to the Tower ; and that one Major Creed and 
Col. Zanchey might also be taken into custody. The major 
part of the House, finding their very being struck at by 
this combination, seemed very ready to agree with those 
who were the most zealous for the suppression of it. But 
the Lieutenant-General affirming, that, according to the best 
of his information, the petition had been begun and carried 
on by the inferiour officers of the brigade, without the 
knowledg or consent of Col. Lambert : that it was not to 
have been presented to the Parliament without the approba- 
tion of himself, and the rest of the officers about London ; 
and that he had taken a resolution to suppress it ; the 
House inclined to more gentle methods, and contented 
themselves with passing a vote, to express their dislike Sept. 23. 
of the said petition, requiring those of the army to forbear 
any farther prosecution of it, and commanding Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood to issue out his letters to that effect 
to the several quarters of the army, which he did accordingly. 
But for all this a Council of Officers was summoned to meet 
at Wallingford House ; and tho it was pretended to be only Sept. 27. 
in order to declare their acquiescence in the resolution of 
the Parliament, yet the officers fell into debates of the 
utmost rage and madness. Col. Lambert, who was present, 
sitting still as a person altogether unconcerned, and not 
reproving them in the least for their excesses. The result 
of all was, that a committee of the Council of Officers was 
directed to prepare an address to the Parliament, wherein 
after the specious promises of obedience they desired that 



136 The army-petition of October 5. 

659 those who should hereafter misinform the House, as had 
been done in their case, might undergo the censure of the 
Parliament : that a Commander-in-Chief might be constituted 
without limitation of time : that no officer might be dis- 
placed unless by a court-martial : that the Act of Indemnity 
might be enlarged : that the revenue of Mr. Richard 
Cromwel might be augmented, and that his debts might 
be paid : with other particulars, most of which were as 
absurd for the army to ask, as for the Parliament to grant. 
Oct. 5. However, the Parliament being willing to leave no means 
unattempted that might give satisfaction to the army, taking 
hold of that clause in the address wherein they had promised 
obedience, gave them thanks for their affection expressed 
therein, and promised to take the particulars of the petition 
into their speedy and serious consideration, to do therein 
according to justice, and as far as they could to their 
Oct. 5, 10, satisfaction *. In pursuance of this promise the Parliament 
proceeded to the consideration of the several parts of the 
address, and had made a good progress in it, when Col. 
Oct. 12. Okey communicated to them a letter subscribed by 
Col. Lambert, Col. Desborow, Col. Berry, Col. Clerk, 
Col. Barrow 2 , who were of a committee nominated by the 
Council of Officers, which had been sent to him to encourage 
subscriptions to the petition lately read in the House. By 
which proceeding it was manifest, that they intended the 
petition to be the ground on which they designed to unite 
the army against the civil authority. The Parliament 

1 Fleetwood communicated the officers and presented by Major-Gen, 

vote of Sept. 23 to the leading Desborough on Oct. 5. Baker, p. 678 ; 

officers on the following day, and The Parliament's Answer to the 

they agreed to decline insisting on Armies Proposals, 410, 1659; Old 

the Derby petition, and draw up Parliamentary History, xxi. 460. 

something of a more moderate nature " Probably identical with the letter 

to be presented to the House. For printed in Thurloe, vii. 755, dated 

this purpose a council of officers was Oct. 5. It was signed also by Cols, 

summoned for Sept 27, which agreed Thomas Kelsey, Richard Ashfield, 

on the ' Humble Representation and William Packer, Ralph Cobbet, and 

Petition of the officers of the army Major Richard Creed. See also the 

to the Parliament of the Common- ' True Relation,' p. 1 7. 
wealth of England,' signed by 230 



Lambert and others cashiered. 137 

finding that the ways of compliance which they had 1659 
been taking served only to encourage the army to 
mutiny and rebellion, resolved upon sharper counsels. And 
to that end, having caused the door of the House to be 
locked, and fully informed themselves of the matter of fact, 
they voted the commissions of those who had subscribed 
the said letter to be void. They voted the commission of 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood to be void also, and placed 
by an act the power of Commander-in-Chief of all the forces 
in England and Scotland in the seven following persons, viz. 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, Col. Monk, Sir Arthur 
Haslerig, Col. Walton, Col. Morley, Col. Overton, and 
me l . Then they caused the Speaker to demand of Lieu- 
tenant-General Fleetwood, who was present in the House, 
if he would submit to this resolution of the Parliament ; 
to which he answered, that he would. They also declared, 
that no tax should be laid or levied upon the people, unless Oct. n. 
by Act of Parliament, under the penalty due to those that 
are guilty of high treason. This business, tho carried with 
as much privacy as it could be, yet came to the notice 
of the officers without doors, who being surprized at the 
resolution of the Parliament, and convinced that the least 
delay might prove dangerous, used all possible diligence in 
drawing together their party, and preparing themselves for 
their designed work. 

In the mean time the Parliament ordered the regiments Oct. 12. 
of Col. Morley and Col. Moss to march forthwith to West- 
minster for their security, and sent for the rest of the troops 
that were about the town to draw down to them also with 
all convenient speed. In pursuance of which order Col. Okey 
endeavoured to bring down his regiment of horse, but the 
greatest part of them deserted him 2 . For most of the old 

1 ' The Commandant in Ireland Cromwell, ii. 272 ; cf. p. 275. 
is thought to be a great republican ; 3 An excellent account of the 

nevertheless he has been made a events of Oct. 12 and 13 is given in 

member of the Council, and it is theWeeklyIntelligencerforOct.il- 

thought that, as he is an anabaptist, he 18. See also the Declaration of the 

will be more easily converted.' Bor- officers of the army of Oct. 27 ; 

deaux to Mazarin; Guizot, Richard Carte, Original Letters, ii. 247. 



138 Lambert marches on Westminster. 

1659 officers whom Cromwel had by his example corrupted with 
the horrid vices of ambition and treachery, found it easy to 
delude the inferior officers and private souldiers, who had 
either utterly forgot their trades, or were unwilling to return 
to an industrious life, into a compliance with any design, in 
order to get a living. Col. Lambert was the person that 
made the first attempt against the Parliament's guard, 
endeavouring at the head of a party of horse to break in 
upon that part where Col. Morley was posted with his 
regiment. But the Colonel advancing, and assuring him, 
that if he persisted, he would fire upon him, Lambert 
answered, 'I will then go the other way,' which he did, after 
he had given order to block up the avenues by the Mill- 
bank with carts and other impediments, to prevent the 
guards of the Parliament from sallying out upon them 
by that way. The army had also placed a party of theirs 
in King Street, and in the church-yard near the Abby, some 
of Col. Morley's regiment having already possessed them- 
selves of the Old Palace Yard. In this posture they 
Oct. 13. continued all night. The next morning that guard of the 
army which lay in the church-yard advanced with one 
Major Grimes at the head of them towards those of 
Col. Morley's regiment, who were in the Palace Yard : of 
which motion the Colonel being informed, drew out those 
that he had with him, and hastned to their relief. Both 
parties being come within pistol-shot, and each of them 
ready to fire, those of the army began to invite Col. Morley's 
men to go over to them, desiring them to remember that 
they had hitherto fought together, and that it was unreason- 
able now to become enemies. In like manner Col. Morley's 
party endeavoured to perswade those of the army to join 
with them in the defence of the Parliament, who they said 
had been always successful in the administration of publick 
affairs, and to whom the officers of the army had so lately 
promised obedience, when they received their last com- 
missions : who had always taken effectual care for their 
constant pay, and who were the only authority that could 
do so for the future. The chief officers at length interposing, 



The Parliament blockaded. 139 

it was agreed, that both parties should for the present retire 1659 
to their former stations. On the other side Col. Lambert 
being advanced near that party which was commanded 
by Col. Moss, demanded of them if they would suffer 
nine of their old officers, who had so often spent their 
blood for them and with them, to be disgraced and ruined 
with their families. The Colonel answered, that tho that 
should be the case, yet it were much better that nine 
families should be destroyed, than the civil authority of the 
nation trampled under foot, who designed not the ruin of 
any, but only to remove from their commands nine officers, 
who by their seditious carriage had rend red themselves 
unworthy of that trust. But Col. Lambert's oratory was 
more prevalent with the person that commanded the 
Parliament's guard of horse *, who perceiving that divers 
of his men had left him and revolted by the treacherous 
perswasions of one Cathness his lieutenant, dismounted in 
the head of his troop at the command of Lambert. Some of 
Col. Moss his regiment went off also, each party using their 
rhetorick to bring over as many as they could. On the 
other part some came over to the Parliament's party, and 
particularly three intire companies of Col. Sydenham's 
regiment. But at last the army gained their point, and 
placed guards both by land and water, to hinder the 
members of Parliament from approaching the House, tho 
Sir Peter Wentworth being rowed by a crew of able 
watermen, broke through their guard on the river, and got 
into the House. In the mean time the Speaker endeavour- 
ing to pass in his coach through the guards of the army, 
was stopped near the gate of the Palace Yard by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Duckenfield ; and being demanded whither he was 
going, the Speaker answered, to perform his duty at the 
House : then turning himself to the souldiers, he told them, 
that he was their General, and expected their obedience. 
But these men having resolved to destroy the civil authority, 
and to set up the sword in the room of it, forced his coach- 
man to drive back, and as he passed by Wallingford House, 

1 Major Arthur Evelyn. 



140 



The Speaker and the soldiers. 



1659 would have compelled him to drive in at the gate, telling 
the Speaker, that he must go to Lieutenant-General Fleet- 
wood 1 . But the Speaker commanded the coachman to drive 
home : and having told the officers, that if Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood had any business with him, he might 
come to his house, they desisted from giving him any farther 
trouble at that time 2 . 

During those disorders, the Council of State still as- 
sembled at the usual place 3 ; and at one of their meetings 
Col. Sydenham, who was one of them, made a speech, 
wherein he endeavoured to justify these proceedings of the 
army, undertaking to prove that they were necessitated to 
make use of this last remedy by a particular call of the 



1 ' I must not forget to tell you 
that when the soldiers stopped the 
Speaker in his passage to the House, 
he asked them, if they knew what 
they did ; that he was their leader 
and ought to be obeyed by them. 
To which they answered, that they 
knew no such thing ; that if he had 
marched before them over Warring- 
ton-bridge, they should have known 
him.' Hyde to Ormonde ; Carte, 
Original Letters, ii. 266. 

2 This coup d'etat created very 
little disturbance in London. Mr. 
Samborne writes to Hyde the day 
after it : ' What government we 
shall have next is not yet known, 
but the people are prepared for any, 
for in all the hurly burly the streets 
were full, every one going about their 
business as if not at all concerned, 
and when the Parliament sent unto 
the city to relieve them, they an- 
swered they would not meddle with 
the dispute, but endeavour to pre- 
serve the peace of the city.' Clar. 
S. P. iii. 581. 

3 The Council of State met till 
Oct. 25; Cal. S. P., Dom., 251-6; 
'True Narrative,' p. 41. The scene 
described probably took place on 
Oct. 15, the last time Bradshaw was 



present. On that day the Council 
ordered ' that those persons who do 
exercise the chief power and com- 
mand in the army and all others 
concerned, be ordered to withdraw 
the guards about the Parliament- 
house and Westminster Hall and 
parts adjacent, to the end the Speaker 
and members of Parliament may 
return to the free exercise of the 
legislative power and their duty.' 
Sergeant Dendy, who was sent to 
carry the order, found the stairs lead- 
ing into the Parliament-house guard- 
ed, and ' requiring to speak with 
their officer, a corporal was called, 
there being no other present,' who 
' made answer they were commanded 
there by their superior officers, and 
that they must remain there until 
they received orders from them to 
draw off' ('True Narrative,' p. 21). 
When he delivered the order to the 
committee of officers they answered 
' that they had received the order of 
council and would take a convenient 
time to consider of it ' (Cal. p. 253% 
Bradshaw died on Oct. 31, and was 
buried in Westminster Abbey on 
Nov. 22. Publick Intelligencer, p. 
907 ; Mercurius Politicus, p. 843. 
Compare Clarendon S. P. iii. 585. 



Bradshaws protest and death. 141 

divine Providence. But the Lord President Bradshaw, 1659 
who was then present, tho by long sickness very weak and 
much extenuated, yet animated by his ardent zeal and 
constant affection to the common cause, upon hearing those 
words, stood up and interrupted him, declaring his abhor- 
rence of that detestable action, and telling the council, that 
being now going to his God, he had not patience to sit 
there to hear his great name so openly blasphemed ; and 
thereupon departed to his lodgings, and withdrew himself 
from publick employment. The army having resolved to 
finish the work, appointed a select number of persons, Oct. 26. 
consisting for the most part of themselves and their 
creatures, to have the administration of civil affairs, calling 
them, as I said before, ' A Committee of Safety ' 1 : and 
knowing that it was of great importance to secure the 
forces in Ireland and Scotland to their interest, they dis- 
patched Col. Barrow, formerly mentioned, to Ireland, and Oct. 14. 
Col. Cobbet to Scotland, on that design. 

The news of this great change being brought to Ireland, 
was at first received with great sadness and discontent 2 ; 
but after three or four days, when Col. Barrow had given 

1 The Council of Officers at first igth and aoth instant signified their 

attempted to come to some agree- desire that the said papers should be 

jnent with the leaders of the Parlia- sent to the several regiments and 

ment, but naturally failed. See garrisons in Ireland, to be signed by 

Guizot, Richard Cromwell, ii. 267, as many as shall be free to subscribe 

and the proceedings of the Council the same ; pursuant thereunto it is 

of officers on Oct. 14. On Oct. 15, thought fit and ordered that it be 

they appointed ten persons to ' con- and is hereby recommended to Col. 

sider of fit wayes and means to carry John Jones, Commander-in-chief of 

on the affairs and government of the the army and forces in Ireland, who 

Commonwealth,' and on Oct. 26 is desired with all convenient speed 

appointed the Committee of Safety to communicate the said letters and 

of twenty-three members. ' A True papers unto such field-officers as are 

Narrative,' pp. 21, 41. ; Guizot, ii. 272. now in Dublin, and having consulted 

* On receipt of the letters brought with them how the said business 

by Barrow, the Commissioners of may be transacted according to the 

the Parliament in Ireland issued directions of the said letter to give 

the following order : ' Whereas the such directions accordingly therein 

General Council of Officers sitting at as may best advance to the public 

Whitehall have by an express sent service. 29 Oct. 1659.' Irish Records, 

several copies of their agreement, _A 

and by their letters bearing date the *i 



142 Reception of the news in Ireland and Scotland. 

1659 assurances of favour and advancement to divers officers, he 
easily persvvaded many of them that the army would make 
use of their power to good ends. Yet so much dissatisfaction 
remained in the major part of them, that the Colonel could 
not obtain any publick approbation from them of the 
proceedings of the army in England : only they sent 
a letter inclosed in one to me, and directed to the Council 
of Officers at London, advising them to be very circumspect 
in their actions, lest they should happen to split as formerly 
upon the rocks of pride and ambition. At the same time 
I received letters from Sir Hardress Waller, Col. Cooper, 
and other officers, to inform me, that those who had the 
management of affairs in Ireland, endeavoured on all 
occasions to impose upon them, and therefore earnestly 
desired my presence there. Col. Cobbet had not so good 
success in Scotland : for Col. Monk, who had another part 
to play, having secured to himself the fidelity of most of 
his officers, who had been with him for many years, and by 
the particular favour of Sir Arthur Haslerig had not been 
altered by the committee of nomination, seized Col. Cobbet 
with some officers that he suspected might oppose his 
designs, and sent them prisoners into one of the islands 1 . 
After that he declared for the Parliament, and writ three 
Oct. 20. letters, whereof the first was directed to the Speaker, the 
second to Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, and the third to 
Col. Lambert 2 . In that to the Speaker he assured him, 

1 Col. Cobbet was despatched on being much incensed against him, 
Oct. 19. The letter he was charged upon private advice that he had in- 
to deliver to Monk is printed in structions to have seized him, if he 
the 'True Narrative" (p. 35), with had not agreed to the army's actions 
the answer of the Scotch officers in England.' Gobbet's regiment 
which is dated Oct. 27 (p. 38). Cap- which was then quartered at Glasgow 
tain Johnson whom Monk had sent had been made safe by Monk, and 
to secure Berwick detained Cobbet, its Lieut.-Colonel secured ; Baker, 
' and it was seasonably done, for if pp. 683, 686-7. 

he had been permitted to pass, the 2 The best accounts of Monk's 

opinion which was had of him by conduct are given in Phillips's Con- 

souldiers, might have much hindered tinuation of Baker's Chronicle (p. 

the General's proceedings. He was 685), in Gumble's Life of Monk 

brought with a guard to Edinburgh (p. 133"), and in Price's Mystery 

Castle and kept there, the General and Method of his Majesty's happy 



Ludlow confers with the army-leaders. 143 

that he would expose himself and the forces with him to 1659 
all hazards for the restitution of the Parliament to the 
exercise of their authority, in obedience to the commission 
he had received from them. In his letters to the Lieutenant- 
General and Col. Lambert, he endeavoured to perswade them 
to use their interest and power to restore the Parliament, 
declaring his own resolution in that matter. I also received 
a letter from him, wherein he acquainted me with his inten- 
tions touching the Parliament, and desired my assistance 
therein *. 

In this confusion of things it was brought about, chiefly 
by the interest of Sir Henry Vane with Col. Lambert, that 
the said Sir Henry Vane, Major Saloway, and my self, 
should meet and confer with Lieutenant- General Fleetwood, 
Col. Lambert, Col. Sydenham, and Col. Desborow, con- 
cerning the present condition of affairs. Accordingly we 
met in one of the council-chambers at Whitehall, where 
Col. Lambert in the first place demanded of me, if I could 
give him my hand 2 . I answered, that tho according to my 
information his part in the late action appeared to me very 
unwarrantable ; yet if it might make me more capable of 
serving the publick, and recommend my endeavours for 
the peace of the nation, and the reconciliation of the 
differences amongst us, I could not only give him my 
hand but my heart also. Then he laboured to justify his 
late proceedings, protesting that he had no intention to 
interrupt the Parliament till the time that he did it, and 
that he was necessitated to that extremity for his own 
preservation, saying, that Sir Arthur Haslerig was so 
enraged against him, that he would be satisfied with 
nothing but his blood. I endeavoured to take him off 
from that opinion, by telling him, that being assured of 

restoration, reprinted by Maseres, p. 688; Skinner, Life of Monk, 

Select Tracts, p. 695. These letters p. 127. 

are printed in the Old Parliamentary a Lambert began his journey to 

History, xxii. 4. Gumble says they Scotland on Nov. 3, so that this 

reached London on Oct. 24. interview probably took place on 

1 The letter to Ludlow is printed Nov. i or 2. 
in the Appendix. See also Baker, 



144 Ludlow vindicates Haslerig. 

1659 Sir Arthur's sincere affection to the Commonwealth, 
I could not think that he would do any thing to the 
prejudice of those that were friends to it. I told him also, 
that according to my notion of things, the aim and design 
of Sir Arthur Haslerig was good, even in that matter which 
had been the first occasion of difference between them 
concerning new titles and powers, which had proved so 
fatal to the Parliament in former time, and which he thought 
very unsafe under an equal and moderate Government. 
I assured him that Sir Arthur had a personal respect for 
him, which he had manifested on several occasions, 
particularly I desired him to remember that he had 
prevailed with the Parliament to grant him the command 
of two regiments, and sided with those members who were 
for the greatest sum to be given him in acknowledgment 
. of his service in Cheshire. In conclusion, I told him that 
Sir Arthur was well known not to be of an obliging 
carriage ; and therefore if ever he had been used too 
, roughly by him, it would become him to pardon it, and to 
charge it upon his temper, especially since he had not 
spared the best of his friends, of which I gave him divers 
instances, some of which related to my self. After this 
discourse the officers declared to us their resolution to do 
great things for the publick good \ and pressed us earnestly 
to come amongst them to their Committee of Safety: 
but we desired to be excused, till such time as the 
common cause might be secured to the satisfaction of 
good men, and therefore agreed upon another meeting, 
wherein this affair might be fully debated. In the mean 
time I endeavoured to moderate the warmth of some of the 
Parliament-party, and to bring them to desire a recon- 
ciliation with the army, that by that means the publick 
might be preserved from ruin ; and to this end a meeting 
was appointed between Mr. Scot, Col. Morley, Mr. Say, my 

1 'The Council of War... has lately of the subaltern officers had been 

been upon the point of suppressing attended to, this reform would have 

tithes and the Court of Chancery, as been accomplished.' Bordeaux to 

being both a burden to the people Mazarin, Nov. ^ ; Guizot, Richard 

and very unnecessary ; if the wishes Cromwell, ii. 284. 



Ludlow tries to reconcile Army and Parliament. 145 

self, and one person more, whose name I have forgot ; 
where after much debate on that subject, I shewed them 
the address which I had brought from all the officers in 
Ireland, as well general as inferiour, to whom it had been 
tendered, and informed them that the Irish Brigade had 
assured me at Chester, that they would continue faithful 
to the Parliament, and had acknowledged their error in 
signing the petition from Darby. Hereupon they desired 
me to publish the address from Ireland, together with 
what had passed between the Irish Brigade and me, 
supposing it might be of great service in that conjuncture. 
I told them I would consider of it, and that for the present 
I had nothing to object against the publication of those 
papers, except my fear that by so doing I might so far 
exasperate the army, as to render all my offices to reconcile 
them to the Parliament utterly ineffectual. When the 
company was separated, and Mr. Scot and I going away 
together, he earnestly pressed me to improve the op- 
portunity which he said I had in my hands, to be highly 
serviceable to the publick, which if I neglected, I should 
repent it as long as I had an hour to live. I told him that 
I thought he laid too much weight on my interest ; but yet 
desired him to inform me what he thought it my duty to 
do. He said that I ought by all means to declare against 
the proceedings of the army, and to join with Monk in 
opposition to them. I replied, that tho I knew not what 
the design of Monk might be, yet I had entertained 
a charitable opinion of him, by reason of his declaration 
for the Parliament: but that it was my judgment, that if 
either the Parliament or the army should entirely prevail 
one against the other in this juncture, it would hazard the 
ruin of both ; and therefore I thought my self obliged in 
duty to use the utmost of my endeavours to bring them to 
a reconciliation, before I should think of declaring my self. 
For as there was no appearance that the army could long 
subsist without a due provision for their paiment, which 
the Parliament only could make to the content of the 
people, especially since the passing of the vote against 
VOL. II. L 



146 Ludlow visits the Speaker. 

1659 levying money unless by their authority x ; so also it was 
necessary for the Parliament to have the assistance of the 
army in the great work they had before them, to establish 
a just and equal government in the nation. 

After this I waited on Mr. Lenthal the Speaker of the 
Parliament, and gave him also an account of the state of 
affairs in Ireland, and that I had many things to offer to 
the Parliament from that nation, which I hoped speedily 
to do, when he should return to the chair of the House ; to 
which end I assured him I would imploy all my interest, 
being fully convinced of the injustice of the army in the 
late violence, and that no authority but that of the 
Parliament can render any form of government agreeable 
to the people 2 . I acquainted him also with the sentiments 
of the Irish Brigade, with all which he declared himself 
much satisfied ; and having given me a relation of his own 
gallantry towards those of the army that had mutinied 
against him, as before-mentioned, I took my leave for that 
time. Some of the Council of State writ letters to 
Col. Monk to incourage him in his resolutions for the 
Parliament 3 , and Lieutenant-General Fleetwood sent one 
Capt. Lloyd with an answer to that which he had received 

1 The army began by attempting earth can legally summon a Parlia- 

to borrow 30,000 from the City, ment, nor any but this Parliament 

sending Desborough, Whitelocke, save these nations from ruin and 

and Fleetwood to harangue the confusion ; with many such like 

Common Council in order to per- passionate expressions, arguing a 

suade it to lend the money. restlessness and total dissatisfaction 

This took place on Nov. 8, 1659, till this happy Parliament, the joy of 

before Ludlow reached London. Saints and the honour of Jesus 

Their speeches are reprinted in the Christ, were restored.' A Sober 

old Parliamentary History, xxii. 10 ; Vindication of Lieut-Gen. Ludlow, 

cf. Clarendon S. P. iii. 601 ; Guizot, p. 8. 

Richard Cromwell, ii. 285, 288. 3 A letter from nine of the old 

1 ' I have often heard him most council of state, Scot, Haselrig, 

affectionately say, that this Parlia- Morley, Wallop, Walton, Ashley 

ment are the only leaves of the tree Cooper, Nevill, Berners, and Robert 

of life, which (under God) must be Reynolds, is printed in Baker, p. 695. 

for the healing of the nations ; they It is dated Nov. 19. At a second 

are the only legitimate spouse, all meeting, on Nov 24, they appointed 

other conventions are but as con- Monk Commander-in-Chief of all the 

cubines, because no power upon armies in England and Scotland. 



Signs of defection in the Irish Army. 147 

from the colonel, and to promise on his part all the 1659 
advantages that he could desire 1 . Col. Jones, Sir Hardress 
Waller, and about six or seven officers more drew up an 
answer to Monk's letter directed to me in Ireland, and Nov. 4. 
sent it to me at London for my approbation, together with 
the letter it self. Having perused both, I perceived a great 
alteration in many of the officers of Ireland, and a great 
defection from their duty 2 . For in their answer they mani- 
festly took part with the army, and required Monk to desist 
from his undertaking, charging the blood that might be shed 
in this quarrel on his head, with much more to the same 
effect. With these letters I received others from Col. 
Cooper and Maj. Warren, complaining of the said breach, 
and of the hardships which they said were put upon them 
by those whom I had intrusted with the command of the 
forces, and earnestly pressing me to return to them. 
I thought my self obliged to answer these letters, and in 
that to Col. Jones I expressed my dissatisfaction with what 
he and some others had written to Col. Monk, wherein 
they had espoused the interests of the army, contrary to 
the trust they had received from the Parliament and me, 
which thing deserved the more blame, because the army 
had as yet declared for no other government than that of 
a court-martial ; whereas Col. Monk, whatever his designs 
might be, had hitherto asserted the authority of the 
Parliament. To the same purpose I writ to Col. Cooper 
and Major Warren, advising them to be careful not to join 
themselves to a faction in opposition to the civil authority 
of the nation ; and sent orders to Col. Cooper, who was 
a good officer, and very acceptable to the best sort of 
people in the northern parts, to command the forces there, 
and to be vigilant on all occasions to promote the publick 
service 3 . And tho the letters which had been sent to 

1 Captains Wallington and Lloyd s Col. Thos. Cooper, many ofwhose 

were sent to carry Monk the treaty letters are amongst the Thurloe 

of Nov. 15, made by Monk's commis- Papers. In vol. vii. p. 425, there is 

sioners with those of the English a letter from him to Henry Cromwell 

army. Baker, p. 694. on the Protector's death. See also 

a See Baker, Chronicle, pp. 688, 690. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659-60,?. 198. An 



148 The Council of Officers purge the English A rmy. 

1659 Ireland by the Council of Officers at Wallingford House 
were for the present laid aside ; yet being informed that 
endeavours were used privately to make them take effect, 
and to engage those forces to the faction of the army, 
I went to Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, and desired him, 
that to prevent setting the army in Ireland together by 
the ears, the proceedings in that matter might be let fall ; 
telling him that if they absolutely required the officers 
there to subscribe their confederacy, it would come to pass 
that many of them would lay down their commissions, and 
thereby a way would be open to fill their places with 
corrupt and scandalous persons, who might not only prove 
the causes of great disorders in that country, but also 
would be so fixed in their stations, as not easily to be 
removed again, it being one of the articles of their papers, 
that no officer should be displaced but by a court-martial. 
The Lieutenant-General avowing that he had not foreseen 
either of those inconveniences, promised to desist from any 
farther prosecution of that matter. 

In the mean time the officers at Wallingford House 
were not negligent, and having drawn up an engagement, 
as I said before, they required those of the army who 
desired to continue in their imployments, to subscribe it. 
By this means Col. Okey, Col. Morley, Col. Alured, 
Lieutenant-Col. Farley, and divers others who were not of 
their faction, were removed from their commands * ; tho 
Col. Moss and Col. Rich were permitted to continue in 
their charges without subscribing. Col. Rich was the more 
willing to retain his regiment, that he might be the better 
acquainted with the designs of the army, and have more 
opportunities of rectifying the mistakes of such officers, who 

account of Cooper is given by Noble so turned out, naming Colonels Sir 
in his list of Oliver's Lords ; House of Arthur Haslerig, Morley, Saunders, 
Cromwell, ed. 1787, i. 426. See also Alured, Hacker, Okey and Markham, 
Harleian Miscellany, iii. 483. He Lieut-Colonel Farley, Majors Barton, 
died in 1659. Evelyn and Sedascue, Adjutant- 
1 See ' The Declaration of the General Nelthrop and Captain Wag- 
Officers of the army opened,' p. 29, staffe.' 
which states that fifteen officers were 



Deliberations on a new Constitution. 149 

tho honest and well meaning men, yet might happen to be 1659 
deluded by the plausible pretences of their superiors. But 
that which principally perswaded him to continue amongst 
them, was the interest and friendship which he had with 
Vice-Admiral Lawson, who commanded the fleet at that 
time, and who very much depended upon the advice of 
the colonel for the measures he should take to serve 
the publick. Their Committee of Safety also nominated Nov. i. 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, Commissioner Whitlock, 
Sir Henry Vane, Major Saloway, Col. Tichburn, and me, 
to consider of a form of government for the three nations, 
and to report our opinions to them *. And tho some of us 
were very unwilling to have any part in an affair of this 
nature, yet seeing we were now under the power and 
government of the sword, we resolved to procure the best 
settlement we could get, if we could not obtain such a one 
as we desired, hoping at least to procure the regulation of 
what was most amiss. And therefore we had several 
meetings on this subject, wherein we agreed upon the 
principal points in dispute. But the greatest difficulty was 
in what manner the result of our debates should receive 
a sanction. The army-party desired that the forces on 
foot in the three nations should be drawn together, and 
that they, with such of the people who would join with 
them, should give their consent to the form agreed on 
in a publick assembly. This I could not approve, but 
resolved, if we could come to any agreement, to procure it 
to be laid before the Parliament for their approbation, or 
never to assent to it. 

1 This committee, nominated on Harrington and Cornelius Holland, 

Nov. i, was instructed ' to consider besides those mentioned by Ludlow. 

of and prepare a form of government True Narrative, p. 63. On its further 

to be settled over the three nations proceedings see Mercurius Politicus, 

in the way of a free state and 915,956,957,962. ' Sir Henry Vane 

Commonwealth, and afterwards to has consented to be of the number of 

present it to the Committee of Safety these sub-delegated commissioners, 

for their further considerations.' It though he does not publicly engage 

consisted of fourteen persons, includ- in other matters of state.' Bordeaux 

ing Lambert, Desborow, Strickland, to Mazarin ; Guizot, Richard Crom- 

Warriston,Berry,He~wson, Sir James well, 11.284. 



150 The proceedings of General Monk. 

1659 During these transactions, Col. Monk having received 
Nov. 4. the answer of Col. Jones, and other officers in Ireland, to 
the letter he had written to them, and not liking the 
contents of it, seized Major Barret, by whom it was sent 1 ; 
and resolving to march for London with all possible 
expedition, he fell upon new modelling his men ; wherein 
he had two notable advantages, the one from divers of 
his officers, who being of the Wallingford House party, 
voluntarily surrendred their commissions to him, whose 
places he immediately filled with his own creatures : the 
other from the late Act of Parliament, whereby he was 
constituted one of the seven generals appointed to command 
the army, by virtue of which authority he undertook so to 
regulate his forces, as might be most for his purpose. 
Before his departure from Scotland, he procured a sum 
of mony from the Scots, with which he paid his souldiers, 
and thereby obliged them the more to his service, 
especially at this time, when they knew the army in 
England were in want of it, and knew not well how to 
raise any, having interrupted the civil authority by whom 
alone money may rightfully be raised 2 . The army party 
being informed of his design, resolved to draw a body of 
their troops together to be sent against him, with orders, 
if possible, to possess themselves of Newcastle, a place of 
great importance to the city of London, and to fight him, 
if an opportunity should be offered. Four thousand foot, 
and three thousand five hundred horse were appointed 
for this service 3 , together with the Irish Brigade, com- 

1 Barret and Captain Dean who s 'The regiments that are to march 
endeavoured to corrupt Monk's are said to be Col. Morley's, Col. 
soldiers were ' sent away from Moss, and two more of foot ; besides 
Scotland with a severe rebuke. The Col. Hacker's regiment of horse,three 
General being unwilling to punish troops of Col. Packer's commanded 
them by imprisonment or any severer by Major Gladman (the other four are 
course because they came to him on to keep their station about the Mews 
public business.' Baker, p. 691. and elsewhere) ; and many others 

2 The Commissioners of Scotland who are to have a train of artillery, 
met at Berwick on Dec. 13. Monk's etc.' Weekly Post, Oct. 25 to 
negotiations with them are given in Nov. i. 

Baker, p. 696. 






Lambert marches North. 151 

manded by Col. Zanchey, who notwithstanding his late 1659 
carriage, came with great confidence to me to receive my 
orders ; but I was very reserved to him in that particular, 
knowing how instrumental he had been in promoting the 
present disorders. The committee of the army intrusted 
Col. Lambert with the command of these forces, who 
having dispatched his orders to the souldiery that were 
quartered in the north to draw together, and to seize on 
the town of Newcastle, went himself by post for that place. Nov. 3. 
Before his departure, he desired those who had been 
appointed to consider of a form of government, to proceed 
in their consultations, and to send the result of them to 
him, promising to give his assent and approbation to it. 
But some of us earnestly pressed that we might come to an 
agreement before he began his journy, assuring him that 
it would very much tend to facilitate his present under- 
taking, especially if the establishment designed might be 
so just and equal, that a good man might reasonably 
adventure his life in the defence of it; whereas on the 
contrary, if things were left uncertain, and no form of 
government agreed upon, men would not easily be per- 
swaded to engage for a party, against those who at least 
pretended to act for the civil authority. He acknowledged 
the force of these reasons, but could not be prevailed upon 
to stay till it should be perfected, tho he desired it might 
be sent after him with all possible expedition. 

In the mean time Col. Jones, and those officers who 
were in and about Dublin, sent Lieutenant-Col. Dobson to 
be their agent in England, and to inform them of publick 
affairs. He had been used ill by Oliver, and unjustly 
removed from his command; which being represented to 
me when I was there, I advanced him to be a field-officer : 
but being a man of slender ability, and little acquainted 
with publick affairs, he was easily deluded by the fair 
pretences of the Wallingford House party, and became their 
creature, rather than the agent of those that sent him. 
And now Col. Jones despairing to prevail upon the Council 
of Officers, whilst together, to subscribe the design of 



152 The defection of the Irish officers, 

1659 governing the three nations by a council of war, dispersed 
them to their respective quarters, and sent the Wallingford 
House paper to be subscribed by them when they could not 
have an opportunity of consulting together, accompanied 
with letters from himself to press them to it l : and having 
declared openly that if they refused to subscribe, the army in 
England would find a way to detain the pay that had been 
assigned to them by the Parliament ; many of those who had 
signed an engagement to the Parliament, which I had carried 
over to England, and therein expressed their sorrow for the 
interruption of the civil authority, together with their firm 
resolution to adhere constantly to them for the future, 
were now brought to sign an engagement directly contrary 
to the former. Of which being informed, I thought my self 
obliged to write to Col. Jones and other officers of the army, 
and to expostulate with them concerning the foulness of 
these practices, that were not only contrary to their late 
solemn promises, and pretended sorrow for their former evil 
compliances, but also tending in a high degree to set up 
the power of the sword upon the ruins of the civil authority. 
Col. Jones in his answer excused himself, as not having 
foreseen the inconveniences of the foresaid paper, affirming 
that he had only permitted it to be promoted at the 
incessant importunities of others ; but yet he expressed 
some discontent that I should lay so heavy a charge upon 
him, who had undertaken his imployment at my desire, 
and had managed it according to the best of his under- 
standing. He concluded that he earnestly desired I would 
return to my command, and ease him of the burden that 
was upon him. About the same time Serjeant Steel, one 
of the Commissioners in Ireland, being nominated of the 
Committee of Safety, took that opportunity to go into 
England, as he had long desired to do, by whose departure 
the affairs of Ireland suffered much, he being generally 
esteemed to be a man of great prudence and uncorrupted 

1 A curious letter from Jones, and backslidings in the army, is 

Corbet, and Thomlinson, dated Nov. 8, printed in the Publick Intelligencer 

ordering a general day of humiliation for Nov. 14-21. 
and prayer on account of the divisions 



and of the Commissioners of the Parliament. 153 

integrity x . At London he refused to act in the Committee 1659 
of Safety; and tho he sometimes went to Wallingford 
House, and discoursed with Lieutenant-General Fleetwood 
and some others about things relating to a future establish- 
ment, yet he always declared his opinion to be, that the 
Parliament were the only proper judges of that matter, and 
used the best of his endeavours that they might be restored 
to their authority. After his departure, the Commissioners 
of the Parliament in Ireland fell in with the party of the 
army, and altered their title in the orders and commissions 
signed by them, from that of Commissioners of the Parlia- 
ment, to that of Commissioners of the Commonwealth ; and 
being informed that the garison of Ayre in Scotland had 
discharged their governour, and declared for Monk, they 
ordered a ship of war to cruise on that coast, to prevent 
their correspondence with the northern parts of Ireland. 
Col. Lambert being now in the north of England, and his 
forces in possession of Newcastle, divers messages past 
between him and Col. Monk, the latter always declaring 
his resolution, as he had done before to the Generals com- 
missionated by the Parliament, to be assisting to them in 
settling the government on the foot of a Commonwealth, 
without a King, single person, or House of Lords : and seeing 
that the army had begun to treat with him, he nominated Nov. 3. 
Col. Wilkes, Col. Knight, and Lieutenant-Col. Clobery, to 
be commissioners to adjust the present differences with 
those of the Wallingford House party. 

The Irish Brigade, tho Col. Zanchey and others en- 
deavoured to perswade them to join heartily with those of 
the army, had not quite forgot our discourse at Chester, 
and therefore they resolved not to engage against Monk, 
till they might see that what they were about to fight for 
was worth the hazard they were to run. To this end they 
signed a paper in the nature of an association, whereby 

1 Noble gives a life of William England, and died in 1680. An 

Steele in his list of Cromwell's abstract of his will, with a pedigree 

Lords; House of Cromwell, i. 396. and an account of his family history, 

At the restoration he retired to is given by Mr. Aitken in his life of 

Holland, returned afterwards to Richard Steele, vol. ii. pp. 349-352. 



154 Lambert and the Irish Brigade. 

1659 they obliged themselves to live and die together ; one of 
the principal officers informing me by a letter, that if Col. 
Lambert designed to advance himself, he must chuse 
another pole to climb by than the Irish Brigade, who were 
fully resolved not to assist him in such an attempt. 
Lambert being made acquainted with the foresaid paper, 
concluded that the jealousy they had of him arose from 
the influence I had upon that Brigade, and thereupon wrote 
to Sir Henry Vane, desiring him to procure a letter from 
me to them, to remove that prejudice which they had 
entertained against him. Accordingly Sir Henry Vane 
came to me, and having assured me that Col. Lambert had 
rather been made use of by the Wallingford House party, 
than that he had been in any manner the principal con- 
triver of the late disorders, and that he would be an 
impediment to them in their design of advancing a single 
person, I consented to desire our Brigade that they would 
be careful to inform themselves well before they should 
determine what course to take, that they might not, out of 
a jealousy of one person, contribute to the advancement of 
others who might possibly prove to be worse. Upon the 
receipt of my letter, which I sent to one of the principal 
officers amongst them to be communicated to the rest, they 
marched nearer to the forces of Col. Lambert, who there- 
upon sent me a letter of thanks, acknowledging that I had 
exercised my charity to him in an extraordinary manner, 
considering the late transactions ; protesting that he de- 
signed not the violence that was offered to the Parliament, 
and was wholly innocent from promoting that petition 
which had a tendency to it l ; that he knew not of any 
interruption to be given to the House, till the day it was 
put in execution ; and that he had no further design 

7 The Army Declaration of Oct. 27, truly informed by the Lord Fleetwood 

speaking of the debate of Sept. 22, and others, that Lord Lambert gave 

says that the House, misinformed by no consent, nor had any hand in the 

Haselrig about the Derby petition, same, but endeavoured the suppres- 

' fell into high debates, expressing sion thereof both before and after his 

great heat and anger against the coming to town.' 
Lord Lambert . . . although they were 



Conduct of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper. 155 

therein, than to preserve himself from destruction, which he l6 59 
conceived was intended against him. He concluded with 
assurances that he would take all opportunities to advance 
the good of the Commonwealth, and desired my friendship 
no farther than he should act in order to that end. 

Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper 1 , also a great instrument 
in this horrid treachery, as he was most active amongst 
those of the Parliament who were consulting for their 
restitution, so notwithstanding the affronts he had formerly 
put upon me, the Lord Arundel being pressed by the 
trustees and contractors at Drury House for the paying in 
of thousands of pounds which he was in arrears for some 
lands which they had sold of his to some of his friends, and 
which Cromwell had discharged him of, they not allowing 
that to be a sufficient discharge threaten him to sell the 
land again, according to a command they had received from 
the Parliament to that purpose, if he forthwith paid not the 
said arrears. It being apprehended that my letter to them 
might be of service to him therein, he the same Sir Anthony, 
coming to me with him to desire me to write on his behalf, 
professed to be very affectionate to the interest of the Com- 
monwealth, which he did so to the life that I was much 
pleased therewith, having always believed him to be other- 
wise inclined. But notwithstanding his fair words, I was 
not so confident of him as to repose any great trust in him, 
he having played fast and loose so often, declaring sometimes 
for the king, then for the Parliament, then for Cromwell, 
afterwards against him, and now for the Commonwealth. 

About this time I went to Sir Arthur Haslerig, whom 
I knew to be of a most rigid and inflexible spirit, and 
endeavoured as well as I could to perswade him of the 
necessity incumbent on us all to lay aside our private 
animosities, and to unite our whole strength to preserve the 
vessel of the Commonwealth from sinking. I desired him 
to entertain a better opinion of Sir Henry Vane, and some 
other persons than he seemed to have, assuring him that it 
was impossible to prevent that ruin which threatned us, 

1 This paragraph is from the suppressed passages printed by Christie. 



156 Ludlow tries to mollify Haslerig. 

1659 but by a hearty reconciliation, and a solid union amongst 
our selves. I acknowledged his care of the publick in the 
endeavours he had used to hinder the accumulation of 
extraordinary powers and titles upon any person, and to 
render the sword subservient to the civil magistrate. But 
I could not forbear to acquaint him, that in my poor opinion 
he had not taken the right way to that great end, having 
lately estranged himself from his antient friends, and fallen 
in with the lawyers and clergy, putting those, who would 
have been his principal strength in times of necessity, into 
despair of receiving any good from him, and relying upon 
men whose principles and practices are inconsistent with 
a just and equal government. I agreed with him that 
nothing could recover us from the present confusions, but 
the restitution of the Parliament to their authority: tho 
I thought my self obliged to add, that if he and others 
should return to the exercise of their power with a spirit 
of revenge against those that had wronged them and the 
publick, and not rather contribute their utmost to reconcile 
all those whose interests were involved in that of the 
Commonwealth, they would certainly ruin themselves, and 
every one that wished well to the Parliament and the 
common cause. Sir Arthur seemed so sensible of the 
truth of what I had said, that he assured me, if ever he 
returned to sit in Parliament, and thereupon shewed him- 
self revengeful to any man, he would permit me to spit in 
his face. In the mean time many members of the Parlia- 
ment had frequent meetings with their friends to consult 
about the most proper means to be used for their resti- 
tution, to which I was never called, they having conceived 
a suspicion that I had too much sided with the army. 
And on the other side, those of the army were jealous of 
me, as indeed they had more cause, for my adherence to 
the Parliament. For I had openly declared my dissatis- 
faction with their late proceedings, and my doubts of the 
sincerity of their protestations to improve their power to 
the public advantage. I had refused to be present at their 
Committee of Safety, or in that of Nominations, tho con- 



Portsmouth declares for the Parliament. 157 

sisting of the same persons the Parliament had formerly 1659 
appointed, excepting only Sir Arthur Haslerig. And 
being one day in the next room to that where they used to 
sit, and Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, with others, pressing 
me to go in, telling me, that they wanted one to make 
a quorum, and that the officers to be approved were honest 
men, and such as I esteemed ; yet I utterly refused to have 
any thing to do with them. But Sir Henry Vane and 
Major Saloway did prevail with themselves to act with 
them in their committees, and to discharge the office of 
Commissioners of the Navy, to which they had been 
nominated by the Parliament, and continued by the officers 
of the army. 

It being resolved by the members of Parliament to open 
a way if possible for their return to the House, they 
prevailed with Col. Whetham, then governour of Ports- Dec. 3. 
mouth, to admit Sir Arthur Haslerig, Col. Walton, and 
Col. Morley, with some forces into that important place J : 
who thereupon immediately declared for the Parliament, 
and issued out orders for more forces to come to their 
assistance. They also dispatched letters to Monk to 
warrant his undertaking, and invited the fleet to join with 
them. The commissioners that had been appointed by 
Col. Monk to treat with those of the army, had no small 
part in promoting this diversion of the forces of the army ; 
yet to colour their designs, they endeavoured at the same 
time to lay asleep the Wallingford House party, and to 
make them believe that they designed nothing more than 
a good understanding with them. By which artifice they 

1 'We came hither on Saturday of encouragement to Monk on Nov.ip, 

the third of December instant, at four and on Nov. 24 had drawn up a 

of the clock, my self and my son, Col. commission appointing him Com- 

Morley, and Col. Walton, with divers mander-in-chief of the forces in 

other gentlemen some whereof were England and Scotland, which they 

neighbouring inhabitant to this place.' left in the hands of Clarges to send 

A letter from Sir Arthur Haselrig in to him. Baker's Chronicle, p. 695. 

Portsmouth to an honourable member Monk's commissioners also wrote to 

of the late Parliament, 4to. 1659. Haselrig on Dec. 19 for co-operation, 

Haslerig and eight members of the old Clarke MSS. lii. 41. 
Council of State had written a letter 



158 Monk purges his Army. 

1659 caused them to neglect those means which they had in their 
hands to reduce Monk and his party, who were not to be 
compared with the forces of the army either for number, 
experience, or unanimity. For tho by his solemn protesta- 
tions and publick declaration of his firm resolution to 
adhere to the Parliament and their cause against a King, 
single person, or House of Peers, he had deluded divers of 
those who were at a distance from him, and who from their 
enmity to the faction of the army were ready to trust any 
that might probably rescue them from that servitude ; yet 
those who approached him nearer, and understood him 
better, finding him on all occasions to encourage the most 
vicious, and to prefer men of monarchical principles, tho of 
the most scandalous lives, to all the offices that became 
vacant, saw so clearly into the drift of his design, that most 
of the officers who had any sense of religion or common 
honesty abandoned him, and joined themselves to Col. 
Lambert ; and after them about three hundred horsemen, 
leaving their horses and equipage behind them, did the 
same. But this proved very prejudical in the consequence 
to the publick service. For those officers that deserted 
Monk gave him an opportunity of filling their commands 
with his own creatures, whereas if they had continued with 
him, they might have had a considerable influence upon the 
whole party, to make use of as opportunities had offered. 
The horse likewise that abandoned him made room for 
others, who were mounted and equipped without expence, 
and composed of such as were fit for his purpose 1 . Yet 
for all this the treaty went on between him and the army, 
and seemed to draw near to a conclusion 2 , it being agreed 
that he should have one part of a sum of money that had 
been appointed to pay his forces : that he should be one of 
their committee for the nomination of officers to such places 

1 A list of the officers who de- 2 An agreement between Monk's 

serted Monk is given in the Pub- commissioners, Cols. Wilkes, Knight, 

lick Intelligencer, Nov. aS-Dec. 5. and Clobery, and those of the 

Phillips gives a detailed account of English army was signed at Walling- 

the changes made by Monk in the ford House on Nov 15. It is printed 

different regiments. Baker, 685-691. in Baker, p. 693. 



The Treaty with General Monk. 159 

as should be vacant in the army : that a representative of 1659 
the people should be called with all convenient speed ; and 
to that end commissioners should be appointed by the 
military power of the three nations, to consider and agree 
upon the qualifications of such as might be elected, and 
sit as members. Accordingly those entrusted by Monk 
nominated Mr. Scot, Sir James Harrington, and Col. 
Thompson, on their part : Lieutenant- General Fleetwood, 
Sir Henry Vane, and Major Saloway, were appointed for 
the army or Wallingford House party ; and on the part of 
the forces in Ireland, Col. Barrow and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dobson were joined with me to be commissioners to 
consider of the qualifications of the persons to be elected, as 
aforesaid. A General Council of Officers was also appointed 
to meet at Whitehall on a certain day, and to consist of Dec. 6. 
two persons of each regiment in the three nations, to be 
chosen by the officers of the several regiments. It was 
desired also, that the fleet would send their deputies to this 
assembly, who were to prepare matters for the consideration 
of the representative that they pretended to call. I was 
altogether a stranger to these counsels, the articles having 
been drawn up by a private junto ; yet I know not how, 
I was perswaded to be present when they were read to the 
Council of Officers for their approbation, where I absolutely 
refused to consent to any part of it, except that whereby 
two of each regiment in the three nations were proposed to 
meet in a general council. Which I accounted to be the 
most probable way of finding out the true sense of the 
armies, into whose hands the power was most unhappily 
fallen, and much less dishonourable if not more safe than to 
continue longer under the servitude of the faction at 
Wallingford House, who had presumed to give law both to 
the Parliament and the army. I cannot omit that at this 
meeting some persons having moved that the commissioners 
from Monk might be required to produce their powers, 
that it might appear whether he would stand obliged 
to what should be agreed, they could not be perswaded 
to shew any orders from him to that purpose ; and yet 



160 The results of the Treaty. 

1659 Lieutenant- General Fleetwood and his cabinet council were 
contented to treat with them, tho they had never seen any 
commission that they had. And now it began to be 
suspected that the design of Clobery and the rest of the 
commissioners was only to prolong the treaty in which they 
were engaged, that the forces of the army might be kept 
from attacking Monk, which he was afraid of, having found 
his own party wavering and doubtful. They well knew, 
that if they could spin out the time in treaty till the 
expiration of the taxes that had been laid by the Parlia- 
ment, which would happen in the month of January next 
ensuing, the army would then be driven to great straits for 
want of money, wherewith Monk's forces had been supplied 
by the Scots. Of this Sir Henry Vane was very sensible, 
and gave both army and Parliament for lost when they 
began to treat. But the chief officers of the army having 
already parted with their honesty by driving on their own 
private interest, were now resolved to shake hands with 
their reason also, and sent down to Scotland one Dr. 
Clarges, brother to Monk's wife, and a known royalist, with 
a commission to perswade him to an accommodation with 
them. They dispatched also some forces for the reduction of 
Portsmouth, but gave the command of them to such as were 
either little acquainted with their souldiers, or inclining in 
their affections to the Parliament. And tho they knew not how 
to procure money for the paiment of their standing army, they 
raised the militia in divers parts, and gave out commissions 
for horse and foot to be levied, promising pay to all. Some of 
them earnestly solicited me to raise two regiments, one of 
horse, and another of foot ; but I told them, they had 
already as many as they could pay, and I feared more than 
would be well employed. They endeavoured all this while 
to keep fair with Sir Henry Vane, Major Saloway, and me, 
making large protestations of the sincerity of their intentions, 
and the great designs they had to promote the service of 
the publick, hoping that by our continuing to come amongst 
them, it would come to pass that those who had a good 
opinion of us would extend it also to them and their actions. 



The clergy and the lawyers. 161 

But they were obliged to discover themselves more openly 1659 
on the following occasion. The Parliament had manifested 
before the last interruption, an inclination to ease the 
people of the paiment of tithes, and in lieu of them to 
appropriate a certain sum of money for the maintenance 
and encouragement of the ministry, to be distributed in 
a more equal manner than had been formerly practised ; 
hoping, if this could be effected, that the clergy would 
no longer have any other interest to promote than that 
of the whole Commonwealth, nor be a distinct party from 
the people. It was well known also to the lawyers, that 
they still retained the design of regulating the practice of 
the law, and relieving the people in that particular. These 
two parties therefore being equally concerned to perpetuate 
the abuses practised amongst them, became equally 
sensible of the common dangers 1 . And in order to prevent 
it, Whitlock and St. Johns for the lawyers, with Dr. Owen 
and Mr. Nye for the clergy, who at this time had frequent 
meetings in the Savoy, entred into a private treaty with the 
principal persons of the Wallingford House party, and 
offered to raise a hundred thousand pounds for the use 
of the army, upon assurance of being protected by them 
in the full enjoyment of their respective advantages and 
profits ; with this farther condition, that they should oblige 
themselves not to hearken any longer to the advice of 
Sir Henry Vane. Whereby we were left destitute of hope 
to see any other reformation of the clergy than what they 
themselves would consent to, any other regulation of the 
law than the Chief Justice and the Commissioner of the Seal 
would permit, or any more liberty for tender consciences 

1 Whitelocke gives the danger of Salway, and others, had a design to 

an attempt to overthrow the law as overthrow magistracy, ministry, and 

his reason for joining the Committee the law ; and that to be a balance to 

of Safety. ' Desborough and some them, they had chosen me and some 

other great officers of the army and others to oppose this design, and to 

actors in this business, came tome, support and preserve the laws, magis- 

andmade it theirearnest request tome tracy, and ministry in these nations.' 

to undertake this trust, and told me, Memorials, iv. 367. 
that some of this committee, as Vane, 

VOL. II. M 



1 62 Monks schemes to gain time. 

1659 than the Lord Warriston would be pleased to grant, who 
representing the Scotish interest, made up the third estate 
of our reformation. 

I began now to think all my time lost that I had spent 
in endeavouring to reconcile our broken and divided 
counsels, and had no hopes left, but from the General 
Council of Officers, which was to consist of two persons to 
be nominated by each regiment in the three nations, as 
I said before. In order to this meeting, warrants were 
signed and issued out for their election to the armies in 
England and Ireland ; and Monk's commissioners departed 
for Scotland to procure, as they said, all things to be done 
there according to their agreement. But Monk kept himself 
upon the reserve, and instead of making good what his 
commissioners had promised, he desired time to consider of 
the articles of the treaty, and required an explanation of 
several particulars therein contained : so that much time 
was spent in messages between him and Lambert. Amongst 
others Col. Zanchey was sent to tempt him with promises 
and offers of advantage, but he having struck a bargain in 
another place, made use of Zanchey's presence only to keep 
the army-party in expectation of his compliance, thereby 
gaining time, which he knew would shortly bring the affairs 
of the army to the last extremities *. He gave out no orders 
to the regiments that were with him to elect members for 
the General Council of Officers, as had been agreed by his 
commissioners, but formed new difficulties every day to 
avoid confirming the treaty ; and under pretence that 
Col. Wilkes, one of his commissioners, had too much 
inclined to the interest of the army, he dismissed him 
from his command. Notwithstanding which, such folly and 
stupidity had seized those of the army, that upon loose and 
general promises of compliance they continued their corre- 
Dec. 6. spondence with him. The time fixed for the meeting of 
the General Council of Officers being come, tho the deputies 
from Ireland were not arrived, nor any from the army under 
Col. Lambert ; and tho it was well known that none were 

1 On Col. Zanchey's mission to Monk, see Baker, p. 695. 



The meeting of the General Council. 163 

chosen to represent the forces with Monk in Scotland, yet 1659 
those of Wallingford House resolved to act as if they had 
all been present. I had written to some of the officers in 
Ireland, that if they should take a resolution to send any 
persons to this council, they would do well to make choice 
of such as were most inclined to the restitution of the 
Parliament ; but that, as to my own particular, I was not 
willing to have any thing to do amongst them. Notwith- 
standing which I soon received a letter by the hands of 
Col. Salmon from the officers in Ireland, to desire me to 
act for them at the General Council ; which having imparted 
to some of my friends, and they concurring to encourage 
me to it, I would not refuse to serve them. Being in the 
council I did what I could to procure the restitution of the 
Parliament, wherein I was much assisted by Col. Rich. 
Five or six days we spent in a debate concerning the form 
of government, which had been drawn up, as I said before, 
expecting the arrival of those that should be chosen for 
Ireland, Scotland, and the army in the north of England. 
During which time Col. Rich and I took frequent occasions 
of informing the officers concerning the publick affairs, 
desiring them to be cautious of engaging themselves in 
any design, of which they might have cause afterwards 
to repent, and exhorting them to contribute their endeavours 
towards settling such a government as all good men might 
concur in, and live happily under. We met with such success 
in our discourses with the officers, that tho the Wallingford 
House party had influenced the elections as much as they 
could, and under pretence that the fleet was at too great 
a distance, and divided into too many squadrons to be in 
a capacity of chusing in due time, had caused the Committee 
of the Admiralty to nominate whom they pleased to serve 
for the fleet, yet they found their wheels to move so slowly, 
that to facilitate their business they were obliged to send 
away divers officers to their commands, under colour that 
their presence was necessary in their respective stations, 
by reason of the danger that threatned them from all 
parts ; when indeed, the true reason of their dismission was 

M 2 



164 A conference with Fleetwood. 

1659 taken from the dissatisfaction they began to shew with the 
proceedings of the chief officers. By these and other means 
it came to pass that the grandees of the army resolved 
to spend no more time in the debate touching the form 
of government, and therefore desired a conference with Sir 
Henry Vane and Major Saloway, who being unwilling to 
meet them without me, prevailed with me to accompany 
them to Wallingford House ; where Lieutenant-General 
Fleetwood expressed great uneasiness on account of the 
publick distractions, and desired them to advise him what 
measures to take to remove the present difficulties, and to 
prevent greater mischiefs which seemed impending over us. 
These gentlemen suspecting the designs of Fleetwood and 
his party, kept themselves on their guard, and in an ironical 
manner told him, that the most certain way to cure all things 
would be to set up Richard again. ' Just as I thought,' said 
Fleetwood, ' it has happened, that the coming of my Lord 
Richard to Hampton Court would give an occasion of 
jealousy,' and then protested that his removal thither 
proceeded from himself, that he had not been advised to 
it by them, and that they had no intention to set him up 
again. We believed what we thought most reasonable 
concerning his removal to that place. But to that of his 
restitution, Major Saloway asked them, whether things 
might not be brought to that pass as to make it necessary, 
tho they intended it not? which Fleetwood denying, the 
Major pressed him farther, and desired to know from him, 
if it were not possible that the necessity of our affairs might 
oblige us to a compliance with Charles Stuart ? Thus they 
stood upon their guard on both parts, not adventuring to 
trust one another ; that mutual confidence by which they 
had done so much being intirely lost. However that 
I might not be wanting on my part, I told them with 
my usual freedom, that the restitution of the Parliament 
seemed to me to be the only remedy to recover us from 
our present distempers, and to prevent the fatal conse- 
quences of our divisions. To this the Lieutenant-General 
answered, that according to an agreement made between 



Litdlow opposes a new Parliament. 165 

them and Major-General Lambert before his departure, 1659 
nothing could be done in that matter without mutual 
consent x ; and so we departed with as little satisfaction on 
either side as we brought with us. From them I went 
to the Council of Officers who were then assembled, and 
was much surprized to find them debating whether a new 
Parliament should be called, and ready to go to the 
question ; which I doubted not would pass in the affirma- 
tive, having observed that it met with little opposition, 
except from Col. Rich. And tho I had but little hope 
to obstruct the design, yet that I might discharge my duty, 
I took the liberty to lay before them the injustice and 
vanity of such a resolution, endeavouring to prove that 
as they had no authority to warrant them in that attempt, 
so neither would it be of any advantage to the nation 
if it should succeed. I desired them to consider how 
great an enterprize they were about to undertake, without 
any sufficient authority to justify them in it : that they 
could not pretend to any from the Parliament, and that 
it was as evident they had none from the nations, no not 
from the military part of them, the deputies from Scotland 
and Ireland being not arrived, nor any from the army 
in the north of England : that at least one third part of 
the officers present were against their design ; and that it 
seemed to me to be an unaccountable presumption for two 
thirds of about a fourth part of the army to undertake 
to put a period to the civil authority. I endeavoured to 
perswade them that the design was as vain and foolish 
as unwarrantable and unjust ; for by this means they would 
utterly disoblige the Parliament and all their friends, who 
were very numerous : that Monk having declared against 
them already, and the greatest number of their own body 
disapproving the thing, it would come to pass, that all 
things would be brought into a miserable confusion ; and 
it may be the common enemy would find means to return, 

1 On account of this engagement make terms with Charles II. Me- 
to Lambert, Fleetwood also refused morials, iv. 382. 
Whitelocke's proposal that he should 



1 66 Desborough asperses the Long Parliament. 

1659 and utterly destroy the contending parties. But their 
resolution being already taken, in consequence of the 
agreement they had made with the clergy and lawyers, 
we could obtain no more than a respite of the conclusion 
of this debate till the afternoon. Going out of the council, 
I desired Col. Desborow, whose interest I knew to be very 
great with the rest, that he would desist from the farther 
prosecution of this design, representing to him, as well 
as I could, the confusions and mischiefs that would inevitably 
ensue upon it. To which he answered, that the Parliament 
had deceived them twice, and that they were now resolved 
to put it out of their power to do it again. In the after- 
noon the debate was reassumed ; and a motion being made 
that they would take the restitution of the Parliament into 
their consideration, Col. Desborow, to keep his word, did 
what he could to asperse the Parliament, saying, that they 
had not performed any part of the promises that had been 
made for them before their first return to the House, having 
made no provision for the Lord Richard, as he called him, 
nor granted a satisfactory indemnity ; but by the insertion 
of divers oblique clauses had rendred it absolutely in- 
effectual : that they had taken no care to secure a liberty 
to tender consciences, nor to provide for the publick safety 
by establishing a select senate ] : that they had manifested 
their unworthiness not only in these negatives, but had 
also positively declared their intentions to ruin the army, 
by removing the principal officers, and placing others in 
their commands who were of a different spirit and principles, 
and by drawing up one part of the army against the other, 

1 On the question of a select senate House, successively chosen by the 

see 'A Letter to an officer of the army people, in such way and manner as 

concerning a Select Senate,' by this Parliament shall judge meet, 

Henry Stubbe, 1659. In their peti- and of a select senate coordinate in 

tion of May 12, 1659, the army de- power, of able and faithful persons, 

manded : ' That in order to the eminent for godliness, and such as 

establishing and securing the peace, continue adhering to this cause.' 

welfare and freedom of the people Cf. ' The Declaration of the officers 

of these nations . . . the legislative of the army opened, by E. D.,' 

power thereof may be in arepresen- p. 7. 
tative of the people, consisting of a 



Ludlow vindicates it. 167 

in order to destroy both. For which reasons he declared 1659 
his opinion to be, that to reinvest those with authority 
who were so manifestly unfit for that trust, would prove 
the worst of all the expedients that could be proposed. 
To this discourse I thought my self obliged to make some 
answer, and therefore took the freedom to say, that the 
Parliament being men, were liable to passions, and subject 
to imperfections, but that it might be said without im- 
modesty, that they had been chargeable with as few as 
any of their predecessors, and possibly fewer than those 
that had pretended to succeed them : that they were the 
only number of men that had any legal call to the supream 
authority: that God had eminently appeared for them, and 
wonderfully assisted them to subdue all those that had 
opposed them both at home and abroad : that they had 
been so frugal of the publick purse, that upon the first 
interruption by Cromwel a vast sum was found in the 
treasury, tho their armies and fleets had been fully paid, 
and their magazines plentifully furnished with naval stores. 
How these advantages had been improved by those that 
had usurped their authority, was well known ; and how 
the armies and fleets had been paid, they themselves were 
the best judges. At the return of the Parliament to the 
exercise of their authority, in the place of those vast sums 
they had left in the publick coffers, they found a debt 
of two millions and four hundred thousand pounds con- 
tracted by those who had taken upon them the management 
of affairs. I desired them to observe how unjustly the 
Parliament was accused of breaking their promises, who 
had promised nothing : that some of us indeed as private 
men had engaged to promote certain things in the House 
at the request of some officers of the army; but at the 
same time we acquainted them, that we could not answer 
for any thing except our own sincere endeavours in that 
affair. And yet I appealed to themselves, if the Parliament 
had not done those things, in which we had promised our 
endeavours, having undertaken to pay more than thirty 
thousand pounds for Mr. Richard Cromwel, whereby he 



1 68 Parliament's dealings with the army justified. 

l6 59 would be left in the clear possession of about eight thousand 
pounds a year, besides woods, plate, jewels, and other things 
of value : having passed that very clause for liberty of 
conscience which had been brought in by the officers 
themselves in their address ; and having indemnified the 
souldiery in as full and ample manner as could be desired, 
with respect to their past actions, not only military but 
civil also ; with this only reservation, that the Parliament 
might, if they should find cause, call to account such as had 
received bribes and exorbitant salaries, which was only 
designed as a check upon those who had been and still 
were enemies to the Commonwealth. As to what related 
to the chief officers of the army, I told them it had been 
made good to a tittle ; for they had continued Lieutenant- 
General Fleetwood to be Commander-in-Chief of all their 
forces in England and Scotland : but if it was their intention 
that he should be Commander-in-Chief of the Parliament 
also, I confessed my self perswaded that it never had entred 
into the head of any of those persons before mentioned, to 
engage for that ; and therefore what the Parliament did in 
causing him and the rest of the officers to take their 
commissions from them, and inserting a clause in that 
of the Commander-in-Chief, that it should continue during 
this Parliament, or till their farther order, was no way 
contrary to the promise of the said gentlemen. Neither 
could it be a just ground of exception to those of the army, 
if their intentions were such as they ought to be ; for the 
Parliament being embarqued in the same vessel, would find 
it necessary, as well for their own security, as for that of the 
people, to leave the sword in faithful hands at the time 
of their dissolution, which they had fixed by a vote of the 
House. And since they still insisted upon their select 
senate, I desired them to remember that I had declared 
in the conference my opinion to be, that if such a, thing 
could be made use of for a time to preserve our cause by 
an extraordinary power, I thought I should not be against 
it without better information ; but if they designed thereby 
to erect a military power, in equal or superiour authority to 



A plot to seize the Tower. 169 

the civil, I should oppose it to the utmost of my ability: 1659 
and had farther added, that I was fully perswaded I therein 
delivered the sense and intentions of the greatest part of 
the Parliament. To this they could make no reply, being 
conscious of the truth of what I said ; but having made 
an agreement with the clergy, as I said before, that used to 
meet at the Savoy, they resolved to pursue it, and con- 
cluded, that considering the present posture of affairs a new 
Parliament should be called, as the most probable means 
to reconcile all differences. They agreed also with the 
ministers, that their maintenance by tithes should not be 
taken away till another revenue as ample and certain 
should be settled upon them : that some provision should 
be made for those who differed in faith and worship 
from the Established Church ; but that the Quakers and 
some others, whose principles, they said, tended to the 
destruction of the civil society, should not be tolerated 
at all. 

Whilst the army was thus employed, the Parliament 
party was not wanting to promote their interest, and to 
that end formed a design to get the Tower into their hands. 
Colonel Fitz, who was then Lieutenant of the place, had 
consented that Colonel Okey, with three hundred men, 
should lie dispersed about the Tower, prepared for the 
enterprize, promising that on a certain day he would cause Dec. 12. 
the gates to be opened early in the morning, to let him 
pass in his coach ; which opportunity Col. Okey with his 
men taking, might easily seize the guards, and possess 
himself of the place : and their attempt might have 
succeeded, had it not, by I know not what accident, been 
discovered to the Lord Mayor, who informed the army of 
it the night before it was to be put in execution 1 . Where- 
upon Col. Desborow, with some forces, was sent thither, who 
changed the guards, seized the Lieutenant of the Tower, 
and left Col. Miller to command there till farther order. 
Another party appeared for the Parliament in Wiltshire, 

1 An account of this attempt to Mercurius Politicus, Dec. 8-15, p. 
surprise the Tower is printed in 954. 



170 Progress of the opposition to the Army. 

1659 under the command of Major Croke 1 ; who having told 
divers of my friends in that county, that the principal 
reasons of his dissatisfaction with the proceedings of the 
army had been taken from what I had said in the late 
Council of Officers, he prevailed with divers of them to side 
with him, and so marched towards Portsmouth, in order to 
join Sir Arthur Haslerig and Col. Morley, who had already 
possessed themselves of that place, and declared for the 
restitution of the Parliament. About the same time Hurst 
Castle was secured for the Parliament, whereby the com- 
munication of those in the Isle of Wight with England 
being rendred very difficult, they declared for the Parlia- 
ment also. The fleet began to incline to the same counsels, 
and dispatched a messenger to Sir Arthur Haslerig at 
Portsmouth, to assure him, they would do nothing in 
opposition to them. In this conjuncture the Parliament 
party resolved to send Col. Walton, who was one of them, 
to communicate the present state of affairs to Col. Monk, 
and to advise him what measures he should take. 

In the mean time the Wallingford House party, as if 
infatuated by a superiour power to procure their own 
destruction, continued obstinately to oppose the Parliament, 
and fixed in their resolution to call another. On the other 
side, I was sorry to find most of the Parliament men as 
stiff, in requiring an absolute submission to their authority, 
as if no differences had happened amongst us, nor the 
privileges of Parliament ever been violated, peremptorily 
insisting upon the intire subjection of the army, and 
refusing to hearken to any terms of accommodation, tho 
the necessity of affairs seemed to demand it, if we would 
preserve our cause from ruin. Therefore, tho I had re- 
solved to depart with all convenient speed to my charge 

1 The declaration published by way to join them with a hundred 

Croke's troops at their rendezvous men he had raised in Sussex (Mer- 

at Warminster is printed in Mer- curius Politicus, pp. 945, 946). Mr. 

curius Politicus, Dec. ag-Jan. 5, p. Robert Wallop, however, with about 

996. Col. Richard Norton refused to fifty horse raised amongst his tenants, 

engage with Haslerig and Walton, reached them safely. Nicholas Love 

and Col. Fagge was captured on his also joined them. 



A new Parliament resolved on. 171 

in Ireland, yet I was induced to defer my journey for some 1659 
time, at the solicitation of my friends, who perswaded 
themselves that I might have interest enough with both 
parties to procure an accommodation between them. To 
that end I took all occasions to moderate the spirits of the 
members of Parliament ; and that I might not render my 
self suspected to the officers, I continued to frequent their 
councils, which I was the more willing to do, because the 
Irish Brigade that was with Col. Lambert had signified 
to the Council of Officers, that they had chosen me with 
Lieutenant-Col. Walker, and two gentlemen more whose 
names I cannot recollect, to represent them at their meetings. 

At this time Col. Lockart Governour of Dunkirk finding 
his work at an end abroad by the conclusion of a peace 
between the crowns of France and Spain, returned to 
England ; and coming to wait on Sir Henry Vane one day Nov. 14. 
at his house, it was my fortune to be there at the same 
time. In the conversation we had, he very much lamented 
the divisions that were among us, affirming that if they had 
not proved an obstruction to him in his negotiations, we 
might have had what terms we could have asked either 
from France or Spain. 

The army having resolved, as I said before, to call a new 
Parliament, and many difficulties arising amongst them 
touching that matter, they referred the consideration of it 
to their Committee of Safety, who having spent some time 
in the debate, reported as their opinion to the Council of 
Officers, that the best way to be taken for summoning 
a Parliament would be to act therein according to antient 
custom, directing only some few qualifications to be observed 
as well in the electors as in the persons to be elected *. 

1 The General Council of the army the just rights, liberties and privi- 

resolved on Dec. 10 : leges, both civil and religious, of 

' That a Parliament shall be called the people of this Commonwealth.' 

and appointed to sit down on or Mercurius Politicus, December 8-15, 

before February next. p. 945. 

' That the Parliament to be called Whitelocke gives some account of 

shall be according to such qualifica- the discussion concerning the quali- 

tions and limitations, as are or shall fications of members. Memorials, 

be agreed upon, and may best secure iv. 379. 



172 The essentials of the cause stated. 

1659 Which when I perceived, and that no rules for qualifications 
could possibly be given and executed within the time 
appointed for the Parliament to meet, and that the design 
of the army tended manifestly to have such a Parliament 
as would permit the men of the sword to possess themselves 
of the supream authority; or if they should refuse to be 
brought to that, then, being a creature of the army, they 
should be dismissed with scorn, and the power resumed by 
the military men : for the prevention of these mischiefs 
I proposed to the Council of Officers that the essentials of 
our cause might be clearly stated, and declared inviolable 
by any authority whatsoever ; and that in case any differ- 
ence should hereafter arise between the Parliament and the 
army touching those particulars or any of them, a certain 
number of persons of known integrity might be appointed 
by this council finally to determine the matter. The 
council having without much difficulty agreed to this 
proposition, I presumed to proceed farther ; and being 
fully perswaded that if such a power were conferred upon 
honest and disinterested persons, it would give more 
satisfaction to good men, and better provide for the publick 
safety, than to have the final decision of all things left to 
a mercenary army, I adventured to give in a list of one and 
twenty persons for that service, who should be called 
Conservators of Liberty. Then we went upon the debate of 
such particulars as should be referred to their cognizance 
and judgment, which were as followeth : 

1. That the government should not be altered from 
a Commonwealth, by setting up a King, single person, or 
House of Peers. 

2. That liberty of conscience should not be violated. 

3. That the army should not be diminished, their conduct 
altered, nor their pay lessened without the consent of the 
major part of the Conservators *. 

1 December 13. ' The General fundamentals, which the General 

Council of Officers came to a result Council of Officers of the armies of the 

upon the following particulars : three nations and of the fleet have 

' Seven principles and unalterable agreed on, to be perpetually kept and 



The Conservators of Liberty elected. 173 

Having proceeded thus far, it was resolved to put the 1659 
names of the persons contained in the list to the vote of 
the council for their approbation, which was done in this 
manner. Every one of the council having 'received two 
small pieces of paper, in one of which was written an N for 
the negative, and in the other an A for the affirmative, 
when the candidate's name was proposed, every man put 
which of those he pleased into a hat ; which done, the 
papers were taken out, and being found to agree for 
number with the persons there present, if the greater 
number of papers were marked with the letter A, then the 
person proposed was accounted to be chosen, otherwise to 
be omitted. I had contrived it so that the names of the 
first seven or eight persons of the list were officers of 
their own party, except Major Saloway and Sir Henry 
Vane, by which means chiefly it came to pass that the two 
last passed without opposition : but then they made a 
breach upon the order, and having put my name to the 
question against my will, I was approved. Which when 
they had done, Lieutenant-General Fleetwood proposed 
Col. Tichburn, one who had lately moved to set up 
Richard Cromwel again, and after him the Lord Warriston, 
who had publickly declared against liberty of conscience, 
with Mr. Strickland, Sir Gilbert Pickering, and two or 
three more, all of their faction, and procured them to be 
chosen in the room of Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr Wallop, 
Col. Walton, Col. Morley, Mr. Henry Nevil, and Col. Monk, 

observed in order to the conservation 'IV. That no imposition may be 

of this Commonwealth. upon the consciences of those that 

' I. That no Kingship shall be exer- fear God. 

cised in these nations. ' V. That there be no House of 

'II. That they will not have any Peers. 

single person to exercise the office ' VI. That the legislative and 

of chief magistrate in these nations. executive powers be distinct, and 

'III. That an army may be con- not in the same hands, 

tinued and maintained, and be ' VII. That both the assemblies of 

conducted, so as it may secure the the Parliament shall be elected by 

peace of these nations, and may not the people of this Commonwealth 

be disbanded nor the conduct thereof duly qualified.' Mercurius Politicus, 

altered but by consent of the said Dec. 8-15. 
Conservators appointed. 



174 Ludlow rebukes the officers. 

1659 who were next in order upon the list, and with whom 
I designed to balance the Wallingford House party. 
But by putting in these creatures in their places, it was 
evident they designed nothing less than to draw the 
whole power into their own hands ; and lest we should 
doubt of their intentions, they gave an exclusion to Col. 
Rich, tho present, and a considerable officer in the army, 
because they suspected him not to favour their arbitrary 
designs. Here my patience began to leave me, and I told 
them openly that seeing they intended only to carry on 
a faction, and to govern the nation by the sword, I resolved 
to have no more to do with them, and thereupon refused 
to give in my billet upon the names of the six or seven 
persons that were last proposed : but they compleated their 
number, and in the next Publick Intelligence caused the 
names of those one and twenty persons, whom they had 
elected to be the Conservators of Liberty, to be published to 
the world, with notice of their resolution to summon a new 
Parliament, thinking thereby to please the people: but 
they were mistaken, for no man that loved his country 
could approve of it. And the Cavalier party conceived 
such hopes of their own affairs, that they grew impatient of 
any further delays, and designed the destruction of the 
army by open force. To that end divers of their party, 
who had fled to parts beyond the seas, returned secretly to 
London, and entred into the confederacy. The time of 
putting their design in execution was agreed, and the 
places of rendezvouz being ten in number, all in and about 
the city, were appointed : but it happened again that the 
army received information of the conspiracy the evening 
before it should have been executed 1 , and being alarmed 

1 Mercurius Politicus gives the appointed to embody) about twenty 

following account under Dec. 18 : horse, with warlike furniture in the 

' This night discovery being made stable were surprised, and made 

of a design which the Cavaliers had prize by the soldiery ; and fourteen 

to rise this night, and of places where gentlemen, ready armed, back, breast 

many of them were to meet, search and head-piece, were taken ; the 

was made accordingly ; and at the number had been far greater, had 

White-horse neer Moorgate (where- not the soldiery come so soon, 

about a strong party of horse was Also at the Golden Griffin in Shear- 



A royalist rising anticipated. 1 75 

at the danger, they immediately sent divers parties of 1659 
horse and foot to take possession of those places which 
were appointed by the enemy for their drawing together ; 
by which means they seized some of them, who at twelve Dec. 18. 
a clock the same night were already come together 
compleatly arm'd on a part of the Temple near the water 
side. Others of the same company got over the walls, and 
escaped in boats. They took also at an inn in London 
thirty horses with saddles and holsters, and as many men 
ready to mount them. Many more of the conspirators 
were taken at the several places of rendezvouz, where the 
army had placed their guards ; and some of them con- 
fessed that the officer who commanded the party that 
was placed near Paul's Church had promised to join with 
them ; which was not improbable, he being one of those 
who having never engaged in our cause, was advanced by 
Oliver Cromwel as his creature, and sent to Dunkirk, from 
whence he had been lately recalled by the army, whose 
ambition he had thoroughly seconded by his votes in the 
Council of Officers. And tho this storm was by the vigilance 
and care of the army pretty well dispersed ; yet their 
insolent and arbitrary actions gave birth to other clouds 
that threatned them with ruin more than the former. 
For soon after, the officers that commanded the fleet Dec. 13. 
published a declaration against the arbitrary proceedings 

lane ten more in arms were taken ; federates. Towards morning intel- 

and in the Temple Garden were ligence being brought, that a number 

more, many of which had run away of them were drawn forth in 

upon hearing of the discovery ; only equipage at Greenwich Park, under 

six remained behind, and were one Col. Culpeper a Kentish man, 

apprehended, having newly put off a party of horse was immediately 

their arms, and hid them in the garden sent thither; which the Cavaliers 

among the bushes. In Thames (being about eighty horse) having 

Street, about the Three Cranes, a notice of, immediately fled, and only 

great company of foot were to gather, one Mr. Dancer, a cornet, was 

of which eighty met, but escaped all taken.' Then follows a list of names 

save two, who are in custody, and of prisoners. On the plot see 

give an account of the intent of the Guizot, ii. 312. The Dunkirk officer 

rest. Divers others were met in the referred to was probably Sir Bryce 

streets in small companies, and pickt Cochrane. 
up as they were going to their con- 



1 76 The fleet declares for the Parliament. 

1659 of the Wallingford House party, rehearsing the particulars 
for which they had engaged in the publick service 1 , and 
declaring their resolution to continue faithful to those 
engagements. This declaration came out somewhat earlier 
than was intended, by reason of the arrival of Col. Okey 
and Mr. Scot in the fleet, who were obliged to go thither 
for protection from the power of the army, the former 
being known to have had the principal share in the design 
of seizing the Tower for the Parliament : the other was 
not only suspected to have been concerned in that affair, 
but also to keep correspondence with the Generals at 
Portsmouth, and with Col. Monk in Scotland. The army 
hoping to quiet the fleet with fair words and large promises 
dispatched Col. Barrow to them, supposing him to be 
a proper person to be imployed to lay them asleep, because 
they knew he had the good opinion of Vice-Admiral 
Lawson, and indeed not undeservedly, for he was a man of 
probity; and tho he had been in some measure seduced by 
their subtleties, yet he was not a confident of their junto. 
But the Vice-Admiral was too well acquainted with the 
pernicious designs of the army to be cajoled into a retracta- 
tion of what he had done. 

The Cavalier party about London finding themselves 
disappointed in their design of destroying the army by an 
insurrection, attempted to do it in another way, and to that 
end encouraged the apprentices to meet in great multitudes 
to petition the Aldermen and Common Council 2 , that they 

1 The Declaration of the fleet trivance or subscription of papers, 
under the command of Admiral under colour of petitions, for the 
Lawson, dated Dec. 13, is printed in promoting of designs dangerous to 
Mercurius Politicus, Dec. 22-29, the Commonwealth ' (printed in the 
p. 975; Baker, p. 698; Public In- Public Intelligencer, Nov. 28-Dec. 5). 
telligencer, p. 967. The Lord Mayor issued a proclama- 

2 The substance of the petition tion ordering masters of families to 
circulated amongst the apprentices keep their sons and servants quiet 
is given in The Weekly Intelligencer (Dec. 3). On Monday, Dec. 5, a riot 
for Dec. 6 13. It demands either took place caused by the attempt to 
a free Parliament or the restoration publish the Committee's proclama- 
of the Secluded Members. On Dec. i, tion in London. Weekly Intelli- 
the Committee of Public Safety issued gencer, Nov. 29 Dec. 6. Cf. Guizot, 
a proclamation ' prohibiting the con- ii. 298. 302, 305 ; Baker, p. 697. 



Riots in the City. 177 

would use their endeavours to procure a free Parliament to l6 59 
be speedily called, well knowing what the consequence of 
that would be in the present conjuncture of affairs. Many 
men of the King's party, and of desperate fortunes, inter- 
mixed themselves with them, and inflamed them to such 
a height of violence, that the army thought it necessary to 
send a regiment of foot to suppress them under the com- 
mand of Col. Hewetson ; who when he was come into the Dec. 5. 
City, was affronted to his face, his men fired upon from the 
windows, and stones thrown on them from the tops of the 
houses ; and as they proceeded in their march were so 
pressed by the multitude, that the souldiers to preserve 
themselves from their violence, were obliged to fire upon 
them, and having killed three or four of their number, the 
rest dispersed themselves for that time : but tumults were 
now become so frequent in the City, that the army-party 
found themselves obliged to send considerable guards 
thither almost every day to suppress them ; one of which 
being commanded by Col. Desborough, carried themselves 
so roughly towards divers eminent citizens, that they 
greatly disgusted the whole City. The Aldermen and 
Common Council not thinking it convenient openly to 
patronize these disorders, agreed upon a paper to be pre- 
sented to the Council of Officers, wherein having disowned 
the late tumults, they complained of the killing of their 
men, and of the guards that were kept in the City, desiring 
that they might be withdrawn, and the guard of the City 
left to the civil magistrate, who could not otherwise under- 
take to secure the peace, and that a free Parliament might 
be forthwith called. This paper was brought to the Dec. 10. 
Council of Officers by divers members of the court of Alder- 
men and of the Common Council ; and being read, it was 
resolved by those of the army, that if the Aldermen and 
Common Council would declare against the family of the 
Stuarts, and promise to be true and faithful to the Com- 
monwealth without a King, single person, or House of Lords, 
they would withdraw their souldiers, and leave the City to 
be guarded by it self. They acquainted them also that 
VOL. II. N 



178 Conference between the Officers and the City, 

1659 they had already resolved to call a Parliament : and for the 
farther satisfaction of the Aldermen and Common Council, 
they appointed six of their own number, whereof they 
constrained me to be one, to confer with them touching the 
reasons of these resolutions, and of the late proceedings of 
Dec. 12. the army in the City. We met at Whitehal, and after 
Col. Desborough had spent some time in shewing the 
necessity of sending part of the army to secure the peace 
of the City, and had made large protestations of the army's 
friendship to them, I took the liberty to say that those 
who were members of the army could best inform them of 
their own intentions in the late proceedings in the City, 
wherein I should not intermeddle ; but having this oppor- 
tunity, and being a well-wisher to the Commonwealth, 
I would take upon me to put them in mind, that we had 
all been engaged together in the defence of our rights and 
liberties against arbitrary power ; that the City had been 
eminently instrumental in assisting the Parliament and 
army to carry on that weighty affair, whereby they had 
acquired honour to themselves, esteem amongst good men, 
and satisfaction in their own minds. But withal it ought 
to be considered that by this they had highly incensed and 
vehemently provoked the common enemy against them, 
who tho they might caress them for the present, and make 
them the most solemn promises of future kindness, would 
never forget the aid and support they had afforded to the 
Parliament during the whole course of the late war ; but 
would certainly take a time to be revenged on them to the 
utmost. Wherefore I desired them, as they tendred the 
peace of the nation, and the preservation of their persons 
and estates, that they would not suffer themselves to be 
deluded by our common adversaries, and seduc'd by 
specious pretences to promote that interest, which prevailing, 
would not only render all the blood and treasure that had 
been spent in asserting our liberties of no use to us, but 
also force us under such a yoke of servitude, that neither 
we nor our posterity should be able to bear. Divers of 
them seemed much surprized at this discourse, because 



Fleetwootfs irresolution. 179 

they had taken other resolutions ; yet others, and par- 1659 
ticularly Alderman Fowke, expressed their approbation of 
what I had said, and declared their resolution to act 
accordingly, provided they might be assured not to be 
governed by an army, in which I assured them my judgment 
concurred with them, which my actions should always 
demonstrate. And as I did upon all publick occasions 
endeavour to perswade our divided parties to unite for 
their common safety, so I am not sensible that I neglected 
any private opportunity to bring about that end. There- 
fore when I waited on Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, 
which frequently happened, I never failed to exhort him 
during this unhappy breach, that he would use his en- 
deavours for the restitution of the Parliament. About 
which being one day somewhat earnest with him, and 
having acquainted him that finding my good offices between 
the Parliament-men and the army were likely to prove 
ineffectual, I was resolved to go to my station in Ireland ; 
his lady over-hearing these last words from her chamber, 
and being inform'd that I was alone with the Lieutenant- 
General, she came into the room where we were, and with 
tears began to lament the present condition of her husband 1 , 
who, she said, had been always unwilling to do any thing in 
opposition to the Parliament, assuring me that he was 
utterly ignorant of the contrivance of the officers at Darby 
to petition the Parliament in so insolent a manner, and had 
not had any part in their proceedings upon it afterwards : 
that, as to her self she had always solicited him to comply in 
all things with the orders of the Parliament ; and that fearing 
the consequences of the petition from Darby, she had taken 
the original, and locked it up in her cabinet, where it still 

1 This was Cromwell's daughter to the Lady Ireton.' Clarke MSS. 

Bridget. Fleetwood's first wife, xxii. 105. This seems to dispose of 

Frances, daughter of Thomas Smith the story told by Mrs. Hutchinson 

of Winston, Norfolk,was buried Nov. (Life of Col. Hutchinson, ii. 189, ed. 

24, 1651. He married his second on 1885), as Fleetwood was not nomi- 

June 8, 1652. A newsletter dated nated to command in Ireland till 

June 12, 1653, says, ' Lieut-General July 8, 1652. Ireton had died on 

Fleetwood was married Tuesday last Nov. 26, 1651. 

N a 



180 Ludlow resolves to go to Ireland. 

1659 was 1 . She desired me to defer my journy to Ireland till 
differences should be composed between the Parliament and 
the army, saying that she knew I had an interest in both, 
which she hoped I would improve for the good of both, and 
not forget to do what good offices I could for her husband, 
who she said had always expressed a great friendship for 
me. I confess I was moved with the discourse of the lady, 
and could have been contented to put off my journey to 
Ireland some time longer, if I had not clearly seen it 
impossible to adjust the differences between our contending 
parties. For the army instead of hearkning to an ac- 
commodation, had not only resolved to call a new Parlia- 
Dec. 14. ment, but also published a proclamation 2 to appoint the 
day and place of their meeting. Besides, I was under no 
small apprehensions that disorders might arise amongst the 
officers in Ireland, which was my peculiar province, and 
therefore I resolved to hasten my departure, and acquainted 
the Lieutenant-General that my resolution was fixed, at 
which both he and his lady seemed much troubled. The 
next morning I went with Sir Henry Vane and Major 
Saloway to the chamber of the Horse Guard at Whitehal, 
where the principal officers used to meet, in order to take 
leave of them, and to let them know how much we were 
dissatisfied with the measures they had taken : but when 
we came there, we found them under great confusion, by 
Dec. 17. reason of the certain information they had received, that 
Dec. 13. the fleet had unanimously declared for the restitution of the 
Parliament. This news had wrought such an alteration in 
them, that they expressed to us their readiness to comply 
with the desires of the fleet, so it might be done upon con- 
venient terms, and earnestly importuned Sir Henry Vane 
and Major Saloway to go down to the fleet with some of 
their party to treat with the commanders at sea about that 

1 Phillips, who inserts the text of Committee of Safety to summon 
the petition in his continuation of a Parliament for Jan. 24 is printed 
Baker's Chronicle, asserts that it was in the Publick Intelligencer, Dec. 12- 
never before printed (p. 677). 19. It is dated Dec. 14. 

2 The Proclamation issued by the 



Treaty between the Army and the Fleet. 181 

affair. Sir Henry Vane, who was always ready to promote 1659 
the service of the publick, accepted the imployment without 
any hesitation, tho the weather was then extreme sharp, it 
being in the midst of winter, and he distempered with 
a great cold : to him were joined Major Saloway and Col. 
Salmon with powers from the officers of the army to treat 
with those of the fleet ; where after they had spent four or 
five days in that negotiation, they returned to make their 
report to those who had desired them to undertake that 
trouble, which to the best of my remembrance was to this 
effect: that at their first coming on board, Mr. Scot de- 
clined to speak with them, and Col. Okey used them more 
roughly ; but that by the perswasions of Vice-Admiral 
Lawson they did at last consent to a conference, where 
they appeared very averse to any proposal of terms to be 
made with the Parliament before their readmission, in- 
sisting upon the absolute submission of the army to the 
authority of the Parliament \ 

Another difficulty arose touching the commissioners to 
be appointed by the fleet to treat with an equal number of 
the army, about the restitution of the Parliament ; and 
the Vice-Admiral having proposed Sir Henry Vane, Major 
Saloway, Mr. Scot, and himself, for that purpose, Mr. Scot 
excepted against Sir Henry Vane and Major Saloway, 
as persons that had too far espoused the interest of the 
army. But the prudence and moderation of Vice-Admiral 
Lawson removed these obstructions, and prevailed with 
Mr. Scot to comply. The officers of the army gave thanks 
to Sir Henry Vane and the rest of the commissioners for 
their labour and good service, which made me conceive 
some hopes of a speedy accommodation, since there now 
seemed little more remaining to be done by the army but 
to nominate their four commissioners, for which they took 
time till the afternoon. But so ripe were these men for 
destruction, and so abandoned of every reasonable thought, 

1 An account of these conferences in 1659, and reprinted in Penn's 
is given in a Narrative of the Pro- Memorials of Sir William Penn, 
ceedings of the Fleet, &c., published ii. 186. 



1 82 A Select Senate again proposed. 

1659 that they knew not how to make use of this opportunity ; 
and instead of naming persons to treat about the restitution 
of the Parliament, they used all the arts imaginable to 
prevail with the Council of Officers to vote a new Parliament 
to be called, wherein they succeeded so much, that one of 
the principal of them told me in the afternoon, that he had 
altered his opinion, and was fully convinced that the 
restitution of the Parliament was the very worst remedy 
that could be applied to the distempers of the nation. 
After they had taken this resolution, I resolved upon my 
journey for Ireland with all expedition ; and having made 
the necessary preparations for my departure, I went into 
the chamber where the Council of Officers accustomed to 
meet, and there freely told them, that the measures they 
had resolved to take, if pursued, would certainly bring 
ruin on themselves, and possibly on the people of England 1 . 
Hereupon Col. Desborow took me aside, and proposed for 
an expedient, to make choice of sixty persons of the best 
and ablest of the old Parliament to be the select senate 
that should have a negative upon the representative. To 
which I answered, that I hoped the members of the 
Parliament aimed only at the promotion of the publick 
good, and not at the advancement of themselves to places 
of power ; but if that could be supposed to be the disease 
of any of them, yet the late experience they had of the 
uselesness and vanity of the Other House, who made 
themselves only the objects of scorn and pity, would be suf- 
ficient to caution them against treading in their steps, and 
entring into a contest and competition with those that 
represented the whole nation, without any other support 

1 ' They are not willing to under- senate and Parliament, it is well 

stand what great and faithful service known that Lt.-Gen. Ludlow the 

Lt.-Gen. Ludlow and others per- next day made his protestation 

formed at their meeting with the against it, and said they would be 

officers at Wallingford House, by necessitated to restore the Parlia- 

breaking and disturbing their coun- ment, and the sooner they did it the 

sels and resolutions. . . . And when better.' A Sober Vindication of 

contrary to reason they had re- Lieut-Gen. Ludlow. 
solved something about conservators, 



Desertions from the army-party. 183 

but that of the army, of whose unfaithfulness they had 1659 
already made such evident discoveries. The same day in 
the evening Lieutenant-Col. Walker, whom I had desired 
to go to Wallingford House, and to bring me an account of 
their last result before my departure, came to me with 
news that they had again changed their measures, and 
finally resolved upon the restitution of the Parliament, 
pretending for the reason of this great alteration, that 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood had been extremely dis- 
turbed in his mind the night before, in contemplation of 
the mischiefs that were likely to ensue if they should 
proceed upon their former resolution. But most men 
believed that the true reasons of this sudden change were 
taken from the submission of their forces that had been 
sent to besiege Portsmouth, to the Generals of the Dec. 20. 
Parliament, who had possessed themselves of that place ; 
whereof they having received an account, began to despair 
of subsisting any longer in opposition to the Parliament. 
The manner of their deserting the service of the army was 
thus. They generally thought the differences between the 
parties not sufficiently important to warrant any actions 
of open hostility, especially the horse, who in the absence 
of the colonel were commanded by Major Bremen, major 
to Col. Rich his regiment 1 . He having sounded the 
inclinations of the souldiers, and informed divers of them 
of their duty, gave advice of his proceedings to the Colonel, 
who perceiving the officers of the fleet, and many of those 
of the army, to desire the return of the Parliament, went 
down privately from London to his regimejit. Being 
arrived before Portsmouth, and finding both horse and 
foot prepared for his design, he gave notice of his intentions 

1 John Bremen (or Brayman), major of Rich's regiment. He was 

once a trooper in Col. Rich 's regi- arrested in April, 1660, for complicity 

ment and an Agitator in 1647, became with Lambert, and again in May, 

subsequently a lieutenant, and was 1662, for his share in a supposed 

cashiered in 1655 for complicity in rising against Charles II. In 1682 

what was known as Overton's plot. he was imprisoned on account of the 

In June, 1659, he was restored with Rye House plot. See Clarke Papers, 

the rank of captain, and became i. 79. 



184 The Irish Army declares for the Parliament. 

1659 to Sir Arthur Haslerig and the rest of the commanders 
in the place, who having caused the gate to be opened, 
Col. Rich with the forces that had hitherto lain before the 
town as enemies, marched in and joined themselves to the 
Parliament's Generals. The next morning after the news 
of this event was brought to London, the army-party 
summoned a Council of Officers, consisting not only of the 
standing forces, but also of the City militia, and proposed 
to them an instrument to sign, whereby they should 
engage to stand by each other, notwithstanding the return 
of the Parliament. The officers seemed unwilling to 
subscribe the paper, and therefore it was not peremptorily 
required ; but being permitted to give their approbation 
by votes, they passed it without many negatives. Whilst 
this matter was under debate, letters were brought to 
Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, which after he had read, he 
called me aside, and acquainting me with the contents of 
them, he delivered them to me, and desired I would keep 
them private. The substance of them was, that a party 
of the army in Ireland had possessed themselves of the 

Dec. 13. Castle of Dublin, seized on Col. Jones who commanded in 
my absence, taken the Commissioners into custody, and 

Dec. 14. published a declaration for the Parliament, of which 
a copy was inclosed in the letters 1 . Therein they declared 
the reasons of their proceedings to be grounded on their 
desires to relieve the nation from the government of the 
sword, which they saw was endeavoured to be established 
not only in England, but also in Ireland, even by those 
who had lately signed an address to the Parliament, and 
sent it over by their Commander-in-Chief as they were yet 
pleased to call me. They acknowledged the guilt of those 
who had offered violence to the civil authority, and their 
own unworthiness so far as they might have contributed to 
keep them from the exercise of their just power, promising 
to yield obedience to their commands for the future, and 

1 The Declaration of the Irish A second declaration was published 
officers is printed in Mercurius on December 28 (ib. 1031). 
Politicus, December 22-29, P- 9^7- 



Ludlow sets out for Ireland. 185 

declaring their resolution to join with the Generals at 1659 
Portsmouth, Col. Monk, and Vice-Admiral Lawson, in 
order to procure the restitution of the Parliament. Having 
read this declaration, and finding it to agree with my sense 
of the publick affairs, and signed by my brother-in-law 
Col. Kempson, with many others of known integrity, 
I could not refuse to give it my approbation: but when 
I had considered that it was also subscribed by Col. 
Theophilus Jones, who upon all occasions had shewed 
himself a principal instrument of mischief amongst us, and 
by Col. Bridges and others, who had been very active to 
support the usurpation of the Cromwels, I became doubtful 
what judgment to make of it. However, having seen 
things brought to an issue in England, I concluded it to be 
my duty to hasten to my charge in Ireland, that if their 
intentions were just and honest, I might encourage and 
assist them ; and if I should find them otherwise inclined, 
that I might endeavour to reduce them to their duty. 
Therefore having taken leave of my friends and relations, 
I departed from London, and being on my way to Chester 
in order to imbark for Ireland, I received letters by 
a messenger sent on purpose from my brother Kempson, 
by which I understood that the surprizal of Dublin had 
been principally contrived and carried on by Col. Bridges x , 
Lieutenant-Colonel Warren, Major Warden, Major Warren, 
Capt. Joyner, and Col. Theophilus Jones : that the 
pretence of their meeting together at Dublin was to 
petition for a General Council of Officers, that the sense of 
the army there touching the publick affairs might be fairly 
collected and represented. Those who had the immediate 

1 Col. John Bridges, the friend of action of fourscore thousand pounds ; 

Richard Baxter, who styles him ' a but all was proved false, and he 

pious prudent gentleman.' 'The being cleared by the court, did 

reward that Col. Bridges had for this quickly after die of a fever at Chester, 

service was the peaceful testimony of and go to a more desirable world.' 

his conscience, and a narrow escape Reliquiae Baxterianae, pp. 88, 105. 

from being utterly ruined ; being Bridges published a narrative of the 

sued as one that after Edgehill fight surprise of Dublin Castle, 
had taken the king's goods, in an 



1 86 The surprise of Dublin Castle. 

1659 management of things in Ireland having refused to grant 
their request, the officers above-mentioned resolved to put 
their design in execution ; and having gained the greatest 
part of a foot company that was quartered in the armory 
near the iron gate of the castle, they ordered three of the 
private souldiers who were best known to the sentinel that 
was upon the guard, to desire him to open the gate, and 
to let them in to do some business which they pretended 
to have in the castle. But so soon as the sentinel had 
opened the gate, the three souldiers secured him, and 
immediately after the rest of their confederates, with 
Major Warden at the head of them, rushed in and surprized 
the guard. Being thus possessed of the castle, they seized 
upon Col. John Jones, and sent Major Warren to take into 
his custody Mr. Corbet and Col. Thomlinson, the other 
two Commissioners, which he did as they were coming from 
the church. My brother Kempson was at this time in my 
lodgings in the castle, and heard nothing of this action till 
some of the principal persons concerned came to him, and 
acquainted him with what had passed, desiring him to join 
with them, which he thought fit to promise. Then they 
sent to Sir Hardress Waller, giving him an account of their 
success, and desired his assistance, tho he had not been 
made acquainted with their design J . My brother also 
informed me, that tho he had contributed towards drawing 
up the declaration of this party to the best advantage he 
could for the publick interest, yet he was so unsatisfied 
with the spirit and principles of these men, that he was 
very hardly perswaded to sign it. The horse that were in 
the town had for the most part joined with this party ; 
but a company of foot of Col. Lawrence his regiment being 

1 Waller's conduct was very am- MSS. 1.693. On the other hand, the 

biguous. On Jan. 6, 1660, he ad- charge against Waller, presented by 

dressed a letter to Lenthall congratu- Dr. Ralph King, Advocate-General 

lating him on the declaration of the of the forces in Ireland, represents 

Irish army for the Parliament, and Waller as acting throughout in alli- 

saying that Ludlow was the only ance with Fleetwood and Lambert, 

obstacle to the completion of the Trinity College Dublin MS. F. 3. 18. 

work. Report on the Portland p. 759. 



Condiict of Waller and Coote. 187 

got together upon this alarm, and solicited to declare with 1659 
them for the Parliament, made answer, that they knew not 
what Parliament they meant ; but that they were resolved 
to be faithful to the Parliament, and to me their Com- 
mander-in-Chief. In these words most of the forces in 
Ireland afterwards declared ; and Sir Hardress Waller 
desired my brother Kempson to let me know, that he had 
carried his life in his hand, and hazarded all in this affair 
for my sake. And that there might be no want of 
protestations, Major Warden himself told my brother, 
that tho I thought him a Cavalier, yet I should find him 
as faithful to the Commonwealth as any man. Yet for all 
this my brother acquainted me, that he much doubted the 
sincerity of their intentions, and the rather, because Sir 
Charles Coote had seized Galway, and turned out Col. 
Sadler the governour of that place ; that he had imprisoned 
Major Ormisby, an officer of courage and honesty, and 
had drawn together a considerable body both of horse and 
foot, consisting chiefly of the English Irish. Therefore he 
concluded that I would lose no time, but hasten to them 
with all possible expedition. Having received this account 
of the affairs of Ireland, and being perswaded that Sir 
Arthur Haslerig was like to have a great influence upon 
the publick counsels, I sent him a copy of my letter, and 
earnestly desired him to take care not to be seduced, by 
fair promises and specious pretences, to strengthen the 
hands of those in whom he never had found, nor was like 
to find, any just grounds of confidence. Before my 
departure from Chester I made a visit, and took leave of 
Col. Croxton governour of that place, who, as he had 
always done, gave me all possible demonstration of his 
affection to the Commonwealth. From thence I went to 
Beaumaris, where I found a ship of war carrying about 
thirty guns, commanded by Capt. Aldworth 1 . And tho 
I had no order from any superiour powers, yet the captain 
promised, if he could get out of the harbour, to set sail for 

1 The Oxford frigate, Captain Dom., 1659-60, pp. 301, 308, 311-4, 
Abraham Allgate; see Cal. S. P., 316. 



1 88 Ludlow in Dublin Bay, 

1659 Ireland the next morning. Which having done according 
Dec. 30. to his promise, we cast anchor the day after in the Bay 
of Bullock over against my House at Moncktown. But 
not thinking it prudent to go ashore till I had farther 
informed my self of the state of affairs, I writ a letter 
Dec. 31. to Sir Hardress Waller, and the rest of the officers, to 
acquaint them, that the Parliament being again restored 
to their authority, according to their desires expressed in 
their address and late declaration, wherein I concurred in 
judgment with them, I was come over to join with them, 
and to afford them my assistance to accomplish those 
things for which they had declared 1 . This letter I sent 
to them by our deputy-advocate ; and when the boat 
went off, Capt. Aldvvorth caused his guns to be fired, 
which gave notice to those at Dublin of my arrival. At 
the return of the boat my brother Kempson, accompanied 
by divers officers, came on board and informed me, that 
the affairs of Ireland were in a much worse condition than 
at the time he had written to me in England, by reason of 
the prevalency of Sir Charles Coote, who with one or two 
more influenced the whole Council of Officers as they 
pleased ; and that all those who had been displaced for 
debauchery or disaffection, had joined with him : by which 
means divers officers of known affection to the publick had 
been obliged to quit their posts, and yield their garisons to 
his creatures : that Col. Brayfield governour of Athlone 
having refused to surrender that place to Sir Charles Coote, 
he had drawn his forces before it, and by tampering 
with some of the garison, and falsely affirming that the 
governour would deliver them up to him, he had prevailed 
with them to set open the gates of the castle, and to betray 
their governour into his hands : that upon this encourage- 
ment he had marched to Dublin with a considerable body 
of horse, amongst whom he had distributed a great sum of 
money to secure them to his interest : that the like success 
had attended divers others of his associates in several parts 
of that country, particularly that Col. Edmund Temple 

1 Ludlow's letter to Waller is printed in the Appendix. 



Confusion in Ireland. 189 

had possessed himself of Carlo, whereof Col. Pretty was 1659 
governour: that Capt. Lisle had dispossessed Lieutenant- 
Colonel Desborow of Drogheda; and that Major Wilson 
had seized Limerick, whereof Col. Nelson had been made 
governour by me 1 . That Major Stanley whom I had Dec. 15. 
permitted upon his request to stay in the citadel of 
Clonmel till his wife, who was ready to lie down, should 
be brought to bed, had made use of the opportunity to 
possess himself of that place : that Col. Cooper, whom 
I had entrusted to command some forces in the North, had 
fallen sick upon the late change, and was since dead ; and 
that his lieutenant-colonel had been seized by a party of 
his own souldiers, and brought prisoner to Dublin, where 
a sum of money was given to them for that service : and 
that Lieutenant-Colonel Fowke, with the assistance of the 
Cavalier party, had seized upon Youghal. My brother 
also informed me, that Sir Charles Coote and those who 
had seized the power into their hands, had prevailed with 
the Council of Officers to pass a vote not to receive me as 
Commander-in- Chief till the pleasure of the Parliament 
should be signified to them, pretending me to be an enemy 
to the Parliament, and in the interest of the army. In the 
mean time Col. Phair governour of Cork, Col. Saunders 
governour of Kinsale, Col. Richards governour of Wexford, 
and Lieutenant-Colonel Arnop governour of Inniskillin, 
had declared for the Parliament, but refused to obey the 
orders of those at Dublin. In this confusion were the 
affairs of Ireland, two parties contending, and accounting 
each other enemies, and yet both declaring for the 
Parliament. Having received this information and being 
fully convinced of the ill intentions of this party, however 
they sought to disguise their actions under the specious 
pretext of affection to the Parliament, since I could not 
do what I desired for the publick service, yet I resolved 
to endeavour to act as I ought in the discharge of that 
trust which the Parliament had reposed in me. And to 

1 See letter of the Mayor of Limerick to Sir Henry Ingoldsby. 
Portland MSS. i. 688. 



190 Ludlows orders. 

1659 that end I writ letters, and directed them to the com- 
manders of garisons, and to the officers of regiments, of 
whose fidelity I had the best assurance, acquainting them 
with the return of the Parliament to the exercise of their 
authority, assuring them of my constant affections to the 
Parliament, and my resolution to adhere to them, requiring 
the commanders and officers of the respective garisons and 
regiments, as they valued the cause of God and their 
country, to continue faithful to the Parliament, and to 
withdraw from those, who under pretence of declaring for 
the Parliament, had usurped the power, which they 
designed to use for their destruction, and for the re- 
establishment of arbitrary power amongst us. Therein 
I also ordered them to draw into considerable bodies, if 
possible, and to defend themselves against those who 
should adventure to attack them ; and if they should be 
over-power'd, to draw towards Munster, where I would 
endeavour, with what force I could get together, to give 
them my assistance, promising to justify them in their 
refusal to obey any of those who derived not their authority 
from the Parliament or me. These letters I put into the 
hands of one Mildmay, who had accompanied my brother 
Kempson to me, with orders to deliver them as they were 
directed, which he promised faithfully to perform. The 
X 66o next morning one of my servants, whom I had sent to buy 

Jan i. some provisions for us, returned on board, and informed 
me, that as soon as those at Dublin had received notice of 
my arrival, they sent a party of horse to my house, with 
orders to seize me ; who not finding me there, had 
marched towards the sea-side, where they lay privately, 
in hopes to surprize me at my landing. Notwithstanding 
which our boat, being well manned and armed, came back 
safe to the ship with some provisions. The next day we 

Jan. a. saw a vessel coming from England, which proving to be 
the packet-boat, I opened the mail, and found therein more 
plainly what I suspected before, especially in one of the 
letters to Col. Theophilus Jones, wherein some mention 
being made of the affairs of Charles Stuart, it was thus 



The answer of the officers at Diiblin. 191 

corrected, ' but no more of that till the next summer.' This 1660 
letter with some others I kept, and permitted the master 
of the packet-boat to carry the rest to the town. About 
noon Capt. Lucas came to me on board with an answer to 
the letter I had sent the day before to the officers at 
Dublin *, wherein they expressed great joy for the restitu- 
tion of the Parliament, and acquainted me with the 
resolution of their Council of Officers concerning me, on 
suspicion that I had taken part with the army against the 
Parliament. They also informed me, that they had dis- 
patched a message to the Parliament's Generals, for orders 
from them, or the Parliament, for their future conduct, 
desiring in the mean time that I would, for avoiding 
inconveniences, retire into England, protesting themselves 
ready to obey me as their Commander-in-Chief so soon as 
the pleasure of the Parliament, or their Generals, should be 
signified to that purpose. This messenger gave me also 
the copy of a letter from Col. Monk to Col. John Jones, 
which, he said, had been found amongst the Colonel's 
papers at the time when he was seized, by which Monk 
endeavoured to perswade him of his affection to the cause 
of the Commonwealth, with a solemn profession of his 
resolution to be true and faithful to the Parliament, and to 
oppose to the death the setting up a King, single person, or 
House of Lords. Capt. Lucas being ready to return to 
Dublin, I gave him my reply to the answer he brought me 
from the officers, appealing to their own consciences for my 
adherence and affection to the Parliament, telling them, 
that the duty of my charge would not permit me to return 
to England in such a conjuncture : that I had received my 
commission from the Parliament, and did not find that it 
enjoined me to obey the commands of those who for the 
most part had no commissions from them : that I was 
resolved to prosecute, as far as I was able, the ends of my 
commission for the service of the Parliament, by whom 
I was entrusted ; requiring them to forbear any opposition 
against me, as they would answer for the blood that might 

1 For this letter see Appendix. 



192 Ludlow leaves Dublin Bay. 

1660 be shed in the dispute. I acquainted Capt. Lucas with the 
substance of my letter ; who thereupon proposed, that 
seeing I was confident of my good intentions, and that 
both my self and those at Dublin aimed at the same thing, 
I would go to them, and by satisfying their scruples, adjust 
the differences between us. But I told him, that I was too 
well informed of their principles and designs to put my self 
into their hands. * Then,' said he, ' you do not think us to 
be for the Parliament?' ' No indeed,' said I ; ' and it is most 
manifest to me, that the design of those who now govern 
the Council of Officers, tho at present it be covered with 
pretences for the Parliament, is to destroy both them and 
their friends, and to bring in the son of the late King.' 
Jan. 3. Perceiving the passage to Dublin to be barr'd against 
me, and being disappointed of some farther provisions 
that I had sent for, the enemy, for such they had declared 
themselves to me, not permitting them to be brought on 
board, I resolved to try if I could find reception from any 
other garison on the coast, hoping that the Parliament 
would in a short time take off the pretended objection 
against me, that I was an enemy to them. Or if they 
should so far abandon the care of their own safety, to leave 
the power in the hands of these usurpers, I should yet have 
the satisfaction of having done all that I could to discharge 
the trust they had placed in me. But before I departed 
from the Bay of Dublin, I dispatched a relation of my wife 
to England by the packet-boat, with letters for the Parlia- 
ment, wherein I gave them the best account I could of the 
state of affairs in Ireland, and desired their instructions 
how to govern my self in so nice a conjuncture ; assuring 
them, that as I had never been solicitous to procure the 
employment wherein their favour had placed me, so 
I could be well contented to withdraw from that pub- 
lick station if they should think fit to recal me from it. 
To these letters I added others for Sir Arthur Haslerig 
and Mr. Scot, with copies of some of the letters which 
I had intercepted coming from England for those at 
Dublin. Having dispatched the packet-boat, we set sail 



Ludlow lands at Duncannon. 193 

for Duncannon, where I had placed one Capt. Skynner to 1660 
command, in whom I had great confidence, and the next J an - 3- 
morning about eight or nine of the clock we were in view Jan. 4. 
of the shoar near Wexford. Being come within a league 
of Duncannon, and not knowing in whose hands that 
place might be in this strange revolution of affairs, I sent 
a messenger to Capt. Alland, whom I had made governour of 
the fort at Passage, to be informed by him of their condition. 
The next morning our messenger returned with the captain Jan. 5. 
and two or three more, who acquainted me, that tho no 
means had been left unattempted to procure the fort of 
Duncannon to be delivered to those at Dublin, that Capt. 
Skynner had constantly refused to obey any orders not 
proceeding from the Parliament or me. He also informed 
me, that Col. Richards governour of Wexford 1 , Col. Phair 
governour of Cork, and Col. Saunders governour of 
Kinsale, had acted in the like manner, and that he had 
hopes that those of Waterford would also declare for me, 
having promised so to do when I should arrive. But that 
the person I had intrusted with the command of Kilkenny 
had been frighted out of his government ; and that Lieu- 
tenant-Col. Hurd, who had been removed for his vicious 
life and disaffection to the publick, was got into the place. 
Being informed of these particulars, I landed the same day Jan. 5. 
in the evening at Duncannon, where I was received with 
great demonstrations of joy by Capt. Skynner the gover- 
nour, and the garison, who at my arrival fired their guns 
round the fort, and were answered by those from our ship 
of war that lay in the harbour, by which means those of 
Waterford had notice of my landing. Doubting what the 
issue of things might be, I took a view of the place ; and 

1 Col. Solomon Richards was sub- persuaded by Lundy not to land 

sequently given the command of their regiments, and were conse- 

a regiment of foot by James II in quently cashiered on returning to 

Sept. 1688 when he was courting England. Harris, Life of William 

the Presbyterians. Richards went III, 202-3 ; Luttrell, Diary, i. 464, 

over to William III, and was de- 519, 526, 541 ; Swift's Works, ed. 

spatched with Col. Cuningham to 1824, viii. 400 ; Ninth Rep. Hist, 

reinforce the garrison of London- MSS. Comm. ii. 129, 141, 150, 164. 
derry (April 1689), but both were 

VOL. II. O 



194 Measures taken by Ludlow. 

1660 having perceived that the garison was not sufficiently 
provided either with men or provisions, I took the best 
care I could for their supply. To this end one of the 
officers having engaged to bring in the greatest part of 
a foot company in the regiment of Col. Stephens, I sent 
him out with orders to that purpose. I dispatched 
a messenger also to my tenants at Bally-Magger, which 
lay not far from us, to desire them to furnish me 
with corn, beef, and other necessaries. I revictualled 
our man of war, whose provisions were almost spent, 
and borrowed divers sums of money of my friends in the 
parts adjacent, which I knew to be of singular use in case 
of extremity. Having done this, I sent letters to Col. 
Leigh governour of Waterford, and to the rest of the 
officers there, acquainting them with the restitution of the 
Parliament, and with my arrival at Duncannon, in order to 
promote their service, wherein I required them to afford 
me their assistance. I wrote letters also to Col. Puckle 
governour of Ross, to the same effect, and dispatched 
others to Col. Richards, Col. Phair, and Col. Saunders, to 
encourage them to continue to act as they had hitherto 
done. From Waterford I had a civil return to my message 
brought by some of their officers, who came to make me 
a visit ; but I could not get a positive answer from them to 
the contents of my letter. And I still insisting that they 
would declare themselves, they sent one Capt. Bolton and 
three other persons to me, desiring that I would satisfy 
them touching the objection that had been given out against 
me, that 1 was an enemy to the Parliament ; which having 
done, as I might well, they departed in appearance well 
satisfied. In the mean time Col. Temple with some horse 
was ordered to block up the fort of Duncannon ; and having 
possessed himself of the ways leading to it, one of his 
parties stopped some country people that were bringing 
some black cattle for the use of the garison ; which having 
perceived, I ordered a party of foot, being altogether 
destitute of horse, to go by a short way, and to post them- 
selves in a pass through which they were to return : and 



Proceedings of the officers at Dublin. 195 

tho they came too late to recover the cattle, yet they pre- 1660 
vailed with divers of the party to come to me into the fort, 
where they assured me that they had been brought before 
us merely in obedience to their superior officers, and were 
much troubled at the differences amongst us ; they ac- 
knowledged that they had long served under me, and were 
more willing to continue to do so still, than to serve under 
any other person ; and that understanding that both the 
contending parties waited for the signification of the Par- 
liament's pleasure concerning the publick affairs, they 
promised to withdraw from the fort, and to come no more 
against us. By which it may farther appear how un- 
willing the forces on both sides were to come to any open 
acts of hostility, it being not easy for men in an ordinary 
station, unacquainted with publick counsels, and of ordinary 
capacities, so soon to discern the way to their duty through 
the specious pretences of each party. But the cabal at 
Dublin resolving to carry on their wicked design by force, 
if they could not do it by fraud, displaced by their own 
usurped authority all the field officers of the army, except 
Major Ed. Warren, with most of the other officers that the 
Parliament had commissionated, filling their places with 
the most vicious and disaffected persons they could find 1 . 

1 ' Let the impartial reader judge and three upon his brothers ? so as 

whether Lt. G. Ludlow or his an- upon the matter, two men have seven 

tagonists have manifested most con- regiments. What means the dis- 

stant good affection to their just arming of the Anabaptists and the 

authority; and for modern suspition, Parliament's best friends, that they 

what mean the letters from Dublin must not wear a sword, saying they 

that many of the officers there will are Sectarians and not fit to be 

have a Free Parliament ? What trusted ? . . . What means the listing 

means the imprisonment of the Par- and taking in of Cavaliers, persons 

liament's constant servants and cham- disaffected to the Parliament, and 

pions, Jones, Tomlinson, Pretty, any that will revile the Sectarists ? 

Wallis, Abbot, Brafield, Jones, but onely to model and put the army 

Smith, Bennet, Lowe, Dennison, in such a posture and constitution to 

Roberts, and others, many whereof be in a prepared readiness to receive 

declared with the first, and yet might Charles Stuart at a week's warning, 

not be trusted with their commands ? though that must not yet be men- 

What means the self-conferring of tioned, the design must be first to 

two regiments upon Sir Hardress bring in the excluded members in 

Waller, two upon Sir Charles Coot, 1648, and then comes in ding dong 

O 2 



196 Duncannon blockaded. 

1660 Which having done, they caused a report to be published, 
that Sir Charles Coote with a considerable force would come 
to besiege me in Duncannon, whereby they obtained this 
advantage, that our enemies in Waterford were incouraged 
to appear openly, and our friends, uncertain of the event, 
would not venture to declare themselves. Besides, Col. 
Leigh their governour began now openly to side with those 
at Dublin, either from his malice to me for reproving him 
formerly for his zeal in supporting the usurpation of 
Cromwel, or from a selfish principle that was natural to 
him of joining always with the rising party ; tho being an 
Anabaptist, he might have considered, that he was not 
likely to find much favour with the grandees at Dublin. 

The enemy, as had been before reported, drew down 
before Duncannon ; and Capt. Scot, son to Mr. Scot a 
member of the Parliament, whom I have had occasion 
frequently to mention, sent a letter to* inform me, that 
being appointed by the officers at Dublin to reduce the 
place to the obedience of the Parliament, he was come 
thither to that purpose. Having read his letter, I wrote 
an answer to it, and communicated them both to the 
officers and souldiers of the garison. In my answer 
I told him that we were really for that, which they only 
pretended as a colour to worse designs ; that I acted by 
the authority of the Parliament, and should endeavour 
faithfully to discharge my duty ; requiring them forthwith 
to depart, and return to the obedience of those to whom 
they owed it, as they would answer the contrary to God 
and man. I desired the captain to communicate my 
answer to those that were with him, as I assured him 
I had done his letter to the officers and souldiers of my 
garison. Whilst these things were doing, Sir Charles Coote, 
Col. Theophilus Jones, and the rest of the cabal at Dublin, 
sent one Capt. Campbel to Col. Monk to acquaint him with 
the progress they had made 1 , upon which he caused the 

bells, King, Lords and Commons.' for the good news on Dec. 29. Seehis 

A Sober Vindication, p. a. letter to Parliament, Dec. 29 ; Mer- 

1 Campbell reached Monk on Dec. curius Politicus, p. 1010. Cf. Baker, 

28. Monk kept a day of thanksgiving p. 698 ; Gamble, Life of Monk, p. 182. 






Charges against Ludlow. 197 

cannon at Berwick to be fired in testimony of his joy, and 1659 
sent back the messenger to them with letters of thanks for Dec - 2 9- 
their good service, desiring them not to restore the Com- 
missioners of the Parliament, whom they had seized, to 
the exercise of their authority : but as I afterwards under- 
stood by some of Coote's party, he mentioned nothing 
concerning me in his letters, not knowing, as I presume, 
but that I might be in a condition to retard, if not totally 
obstruct his grand design, as probably I had done, with 
the blessing of God, if the Parliament had not abandoned 
me and their own interest at the same time, by the influence 
of Monk's party in the House. The junto at Dublin being 
very desirous to remove me from the post where I was, 
called a Council of Officers ; and having drawn up a letter 1660 
to justify their proceedings against me, they procured it to J an - I0 - 
be signed and sent to me from the council 1 , endeavouring 
therein to defame me with all possible malice, charging me 
with neglecting the duty of my imployment in Ireland, 
when upon the late interruption of the Parliament I had 
rather chosen to continue my journy to London than to 
return to the discharge of my office ; accusing me for divers 
passages in my letters which they had intercepted ; in one 
of which, having called Col. John Jones ' dear friend,' they 
would have it interpreted, that I thereby approved his 
correspondence with the Wallingford House party : and in 
another having expressed my desire to moderate things 
between the Parliament and the army, they improved it 
to a very great crime, alledging that men ought to obey, 
and not to capitulate with the Parliament ; adding, that 
when I saw I could do no more in opposition to the Parlia- 
ment, I had refused to wait their sitting, and departed for 
Ireland a day or two before their restitution, where I had 
endeavoured to serve the army by my interest in the 
disaffected party ; that finding Dublin to be secured for 
the Parliament by those who obeyed their orders, and 
would obey me as their Commander-in-Chief, if the Parlia- 
ment thought fit to continue that power to me, I had not 

1 For this letter see Appendix. 



198 Ludlows answer to the charges. 

1660 only refused to return to England till their pleasure in 
that affair might be known, but also had endeavoured by 
all hostile means to get the power into my hands, at the 
same time neglecting my duty in Parliament, which they 
said I might have been doing, had not my miscarriages 
rendred me uncapable of that honour. Having perused 
this letter, I thought my self obliged to answer it, as well 
to clear my self from these calumnies, as to prevent the 
effect it might otherwise have amongst unwary men, which 
was especially to be regarded in this conjuncture, because 
they had taken care to print and disperse their libel against 
Jan. 21. me. I told them in my answer 1 , that they well knew that 
in my letters to Col. Jones, which they had intercepted, 
I had expressed my dislike of his correspondence with the 
army ; tho having received civilities from him, and because 
he had the sword in his hand, I thought it not imprudent 
to keep fair with him, which was probably the reason why 
they themselves were not more plainly dealt with by the 
Parliament : that notwithstanding their pretences of obedi- 
ence to the Parliament, I wished I might not see the day 
when they should positively refuse to obey their commands, 
to the destruction of their authority, and the advancement 
of a contrary interest ; tho, to serve the present turn, they 
now blamed me for endeavouring, in the midst of the 
confusion that the ambition of the army had brought upon 
us, to moderate things so, that their authority might have 
been restored, and the publick cause preserved from ruin : 
that the reasons of my not returning to my command upon 
advice of the late interruption were ; first, because I knew 
it to be the interest of the Parliament and the army to 
unite, both being in a certain way to ruin, if they did not ; 
and that therefore I was incouraged to attempt it : and in 
the next place, because I had seen the letter which was 
sent from the officers at London to those in Ireland, 
wherein they declared that they had only obstructed their 
sitting for a while : thirdly, I hoped at my departure I had 
left the affairs of Ireland in good hands ; and at the worst, 

1 For this answer see Appendix. 






Ludlow recalled to England. 199 

I was perswaded it must of necessity follow the fate of 1660 
England. Lastly, I doubted not that by fixing- the Irish 
Brigade, which was in England, to the interest of the Parlia- 
ment, I should contribute more to their service, than by 
the best regulation that could be made of the forces in 
Ireland : that the cause of my last return to Ireland was 
taken from the knowledg I had of the persons that had 
assumed the power into their hands, and the duty that lay 
upon me to use the best of my endeavours to put a stop to 
those malignant designs, which I had reason to believe their 
principles would lead them to carry on : that they must 
pardon me, if I followed not their advice of returning to 
England, when I was in the Bay of Dublin, having it not 
in my instructions to obey them ; and being as fully satisfied 
of their intentions to make use of their power, under pretence 
of serving the Parliament, to undermine and destroy their 
friends, as I was that my own endeavours were directed 
wholly to their service, and that it was my duty, as far 
as I could, to prosecute the ends of that commission with 
which they had intrusted me. Before I had sent away this 
letter, I received the astonishing news that the Parliament 
had sent to the officers at Dublin an acknowledgment of Jan. 5. 
their service in declaring for them ; and about a week after 
the said officers sent a letter to be delivered to me, signed 
by William Lenthal Speaker of the Parliament, to desire 
me by their order x to attend the Parliament with an account 
of the affairs of Ireland, that upon consideration thereof, 
such a course might be taken, as might secure the publick 
interest there. Letters to the same effect were written, as 
I was informed, to Col. John Jones, Col. Thomlinson, and 

1 On Jan. 4, 1660, letters from of affairs in Ireland. It was also re- 

the Irish officers at Dublin, dated 15 solved' that this House doth approve 

and 24 Dec., and a declaration of the of what hath been done by Sir 

officers of that army, were read in Hardress Waller, Sir Charles Coote, 

the House. On Jan. 5 the House Col. Theophilus Jones, and other 

voted that letters should be written officers of the army in Ireland for the 

to Ludlow, Jones, Corbet, and Thorn- service of the Parliament ; and that 

linson, to give their attendance on the thanks of this House be given 

the service of the Parliament, and them by a letter for their good 

give an account of their management service.' C. J. vii. 803. 



2oo Ludlow sails to England. 

1660 Mr. Miles Corbet, Commissioners for the Parliament in 
Ireland. By these letters I perceived that the Parliament 
was reduced to a dishonourable compliance with those who 
had got the ascendant over them ; and therefore having 
received their commands to attend them, I resolved to do 
it as soon as I could, hoping by the account I should give 
them, to awaken their care, and if they were not wholly 
infatuated, perswade them to make a timely provision 
against the dangers that so visibly threatned them with 
, sudden destruction. The enemy thought I would have 
surrendred the fort of Duncannon into their hands, and 
to that end used many arguments to induce me to it ; but 
I refused to hearken to that proposition, and acquainted 
them that the letters I had received rather implied the 
contrary ; and that if the Parliament were as sensible as 
they ought to be of their interest, I doubted not that 
Duncannon might prove a good landing-place for an army 
from England to reduce those in Ireland to their obedience. 
In the mean time I had caused two or three vessels to cast 
anchor under the command of the castle, resolving to make 
use of one of them for my transportation to England ; and 
rinding a Dutch bottom commanded by a French-man to 
be most convenient for my purpose, I agreed with the 
master of her for my voyage. Before I departed, Capt. 
Scot, Major Barrington, and some others of those that had 
blocked us up, desired to speak with me, which I agreed to, 
and amongst other discourse that deserves not to be 
mentioned, many of them, and in particular Capt. Scot, 
tho they had declared for the Parliament, endeavoured 
to justify the attempt of Sir George Booth, reviling Sir 
Arthur Haslerig, and divers others who were members 
of the Parliament : and being asked whether they would 
fight against Charles Stuart, if he should appear at the 
head of an army, they refused to explain themselves in 
that particular : and yet these gentlemen would be thought 
to be the only champions for the Parliament. Capt. Scot 
accompanied me to the water-side, where taking leave of 
Capt. Skinner the governour and the rest of the officers 



His journey to London. 201 

and souldiers of the garison, I commanded the governour 1660 
in his presence not to surrender the fort to any person that 
should not be authorized to receive it by the Parliament or 
me, wherein I doubted not he would have the assistance of 
the whole garison, which they unanimously promised. As 
soon as I was imbarked, Capt. Skinner caused all their 
cannon to be fired to testify their respects to me ; and the 
wind being very fair, we immediately set sail for England. 
The next morning we found our selves in view of the Isle 
of Lundy, and I would willingly have landed at Minhead, 
but the seas went so high, that we were obliged to put 
in at Milford Comb l , where having provided horses for my 
self and company, we went to Barnstaple, and lay there 
that night. The day following we passed over Axmore, 
which was covered with snow, and with much difficulty 
arrived that night at Laystock, where I was informed that 
Monk was come to London, and had brought the secluded 
members into the House, which report had preceded the 
action ; for it was not yet done. But we were assured from Jan. 9. 
better intelligence, that the Parliament, upon consideration 
of Sir Henry Vane's compliance with the army during the 
late interruption, had discharged him from being a member, 
and commanded him to retire from London ; and that 
having reproved Major Saloway for what he had done of Jan. 17. 
the same nature, they had committed him to the Tower 
during the pleasure of the House 2 . We were also informed 
that they had granted time to Lieutenant-General Fleet- J an - 2 4- 
wood, Col. Sydenham, the Lord Commissioner Whitlock, 
Mr. Cornelius Holland, and Mr. Strickland to clear them- 
selves touching their deportment in that affair. I was not 

1 Milford Comb is pretty plainly a practices, and humbling his mouth 

misprint for Ilford-Comb, i. e. Ilfra- in the dust, mitigating in some 

combe, as Ludlow's itinerary shows. measure his eager prosecution ; so 

a ' Saloway though voted prisoner abject a person in misfortune this 

to the Tower on Tuesday, is not yet age hath not seen, nor any other 

gone, because (according to form) the so insolent in authority.' Mr. 

warrant of his commitment is not Broderick to Sir E. Hyde, Jan. 20, 

yet signed; his tears, sighs, suppli- 1660; Clarendon S. P., iii. 654. 
cations, confessions of all secret 



202 Ludlow accused of treason. 

1660 a little disturbed at this news, conceiving that the removal 
of such eminent pillars of the House, as some of these were, 
would put the whole fabrick into apparent danger of ruin ; 
but being always desirous to think well of their proceedings, 
I perswaded my self that these measures were the result of 
the extraordinary zeal of some men to vindicate the least 
appearance of any breach that might be supposed to have 
been made upon the privileges of the Parliament. As 
I was seriously reflecting on these particulars, one of my 
servants brought me the paper of publick intelligence, 
wherein I not only perceived the former relation to be 
confirmed, but also found that the Parliament had received 
Jan. 19. a charge of high treason against me, Mr. Miles Corbet, 
Col. John Jones, and Col. Thomlinson, presented by Col. 
Bridges, Major Edward Warren, and Capt. Abel Warren, 
and subscribed by Sir Charles Coote ; of which, tho I had 
heard some flying report whilst I was in Ireland, yet I could 
not suppose them so abandoned of all shame, as to pursue 
such a design : but they had learned, that to calumniate 
abundantly was the way to get something to stick. And 
here I confess, if I had entred upon the publick service on 
the account of my own private advantage, I should have 
been totally discouraged, and perhaps have made the best 
provision I could for my own safety ; but being conscious 
to my self that I had acted upon better principles, I concluded 
that the Parliament, who knew my innocence, would not 
fail to do me justice against my malicious enemies. There- 
upon I used all possible diligence in my journey, taking 
post-horses to that end ; insomuch that a person who knew 
me, meeting me on the road, said, that those who were 
under an accusation of high treason, were not accustomed 
to make such haste to present themselves. Being arrived 
at London, I went not that day to the Parliament, being 
informed that the House was rising ; and because I was 
desirous to learn as much as I could concerning the state 
of publick affairs, to which I had been so long a stranger. 
The most remarkable transactions that had passed in my 
absence were these following : that Lieutenant-General 






How the Parliament was restored. 203 

Fleetwood finding himself deserted by most part of the 1659 
army, had sent the keys of the Parliament House to the Dec- 24- 
Speaker, with notice that the guards were withdrawn, and 
that the members of Parliament might attend the discharge 
of their duty : that Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, who was in 
possession of the Tower, had sent also to the Speaker, to 
acquaint him that he and his garison were ready to receive 
his orders 1 : that the forces about the town had been 
mustered in Lincolns-Inn Fields by Col. Alured and 
Col. Okey, where, after they had declared for the Parlia- 
ment, they marched by the Speaker's house in Chancery 
Lane, and saluted him as their General as he stood at his 
door 2 : that the Speaker had sent Col. Bret and Col. Red- 
main, who had been discharged for their zeal to the 
usurpation of Cromwel, to command the Irish Brigade ; 
tho it was well known, that brigade was officer'd with such 
as were so zealous for the Parliament, that they had refused 
to engage against Col. Monk, because he had declared for 
them, and had marched off intirely from the army of 
Col. Lambert: that Sir Arthur Haslerig and the rest of 

1 On Dec. 26, the government of gown to the gate in the street, 
the Tower was committed by Parlia- where standing, the officers as they 
ment to Cooper, Weaver, Scot, and passed with the forces made speeches 
Berners till further order. C. J. vii. to him, signifying in the name of 
797. themselves and the whole soldiery, 

2 The scene is thus described in their hearty sorrow for the great 
Mercurius Politicus, under Dec. 24 : defection in this late interruption, 
' According to the orders given with their absolute purpose of a 
yesterday, this afternoon the horse firm adherence for the future; the 
and foot (except those on the guards) like was done by the soldiers in their 
which are about town, were rendez- countenances and acclamations to the 
voused in Lincolns-Inn Fields, and Speaker as they passed, owning him 
there with one consent resolved to in words also, on the behalf of the 
live and die with the Parliament, Parliament, as their General and the 
using many high expressions in Father of their country. Hereupon 
declaring their resolution. After his lordship issued forth orders for 
this they marched in good order disposing of them for the preserva- 
down Chancery-lane ; at the tion of the peace till the Parliament 
Speaker's door they made a stand, can assemble, and he also for this 
and several of the principal com- night gave them the word, and they 
manders sending in word that they gave him many vollies of shot' (p. 
attended to know his pleasure, his 978). Cf. Guizot, ii. 319. 
lordship came down to them in his 



204 Infatuation of the parliamentary leaders. 

1659 the officers from Portsmouth coming into London by the 
bridg, had passed through the city, where they had been 
received with so much seeming joy and loud acclamations, 
that Sir Arthur was observed in particular to be so elevated, 
that for some time after he could scarce discern his friends 
from his enemies 1 ; whereof my wife had some experience : 
for she going to give him some account of me and of affairs 
in Ireland, found him much altered in his carriage to her, 
saying that God and man having owned them, they must 
imploy those that would own them. To which she replied, 
that he seemed to mistake what she had said, and assured 
him that she was well informed, that as I had never solicited 
for publick imployment in better times, so I was very 
remote from any such thoughts in this condition of things. 
This height of Sir Arthur Haslerig lasted but a few days ; 
for tho the clergy and lawyers, with other disaffected persons, 
had hitherto kept fairwith him, and in appearance reverenced 
him above all others, that by his assistance they might be 
able to prevail against the army, or Wallingford House 
party ; yet so soon as they were free from their fears, and 
understood their own strength, they refused to be any 
longer controlled by him, turning out of the House and 
out of the army whomsoever they pleased : which false 
measures taken by him, he began to perceive when there 
was no remedy left. Fifteen hundred old officers were 
removed from their commands in the army by the com- 
mittee appointed for that purpose, and as many brought 
in to supply their places, who were for the most part either 
unknown to the souldiers, disaffected to the cause, or 
ignorant of military affairs 2 . The rules by which the 

1 Whitelocke notes under Dec. 39, had threatened to take away his 

1659 : ' I went to visit Haslerig at life on account of his acting with 

his lodgings in Whitehall, and to the Committee of Safety. Scot, he 

bid him welcome to town, and to complains, ' said that I should be 

find how his inclinations stood: I hanged with the Great Seal about 

found with him H. Nevil, and they my neck.' Memorials, iv. 384, 

were both very reserved to me, and 386. 

ranted high against the Committee of 2 On the restoration of the Parlia- 

Safety.' Whitelocke was informed ment, seven Commissioners were 

also that Scot and Nevil and others appointed by the government to 



Fresh changes in the army. 205 

committee for placing and displacing went by, were, as 1660 
every man had been known to favour or oppose the army 
party, without any consideration of the reasons that led 
them to the one or the other ; which yet had been convenient, 
because many had carried it fair to the army, only that they 
might be the better enabled to make them sensible of their 
duty, and more easily prevail with them to return to the 
obedience of the Parliament : and many had rail'd at and 
opposed the army with no other design than thereby to 
necessitate both the Parliament and the army by their 
disunion, and the confusions that would naturally ensue 
thereupon, to return to their former servitude. 

1 It was wonderful to consider how with fair words 
those who used to be watchful to discover what was for 
their interest were lulled to sleep : Chief Justice St. John 
himself, who even in this session prepared and procured the 
Parliament to pass a declaration against Monarchy and for a 
Commonwealth, and Reynolds who had bought public lands 
as well as the other, [agreed] in crushing the friends of the 
Commonwealth and preferring those of a contrary principle 
(if of any), acting as if they had designed nothing less than 
what they pretended to and what their interest led them 
to ; scarce one of ten of the old officers of the army are 
continued ; Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, a known bitter 
enemy to the public and to all good men, on a disputable 
election of eighteen years' standing, against all reason and 
common justice is admitted to sit as a member of Parlia- Jan. 7. 
ment because he had joined with some of them in opposing 

command the army, Col. Alexander Dec. 31, Haslerig, Walton and Morley 

Popham, Col. Thompson, Col. Okey, were in London, superseded the 

Col. Alured, Col. Markham, Mr. Commissioners appointed Dec. 26, 

Thomas Scot, and Sir Anthony Ash- and were empowered upon the 

ley Cooper (Dec. 26). Their power present emergency to appointofficers 

was to continue until three of the over the respective regiments for 

seven Commissioners previously ap- the service of the Parliament, until 

pointed (Oct. 12) by Parliament the Parliament take further order, 

should come to London, or till Parlia- C. J. vii. 796, 797, 801. Their powers 

ment should take further order. were annulled on Feb. 21. 
Those Commissioners were Fleet- 1 The following paragraph is from 

wood, Ludlow, Monck, Haslerig, the suppressed passages printed by 

Walton, Morley, and Overton. By Christie. 



206 Monk enters England. 

1660 the army at this time, which Charles Stewart himself would 
have done, might he have been admitted into the confederacy. 
jan A i8. They bestow also a regiment of horse upon him, which by 
his policy he modelleth with officers for his turn, and by his 
smooth tongue and insinuating carriage bears a great sway 
in Parliament. 

In the mean time Monk having left four regiments in 
Scotland to secure that country, and divided his forces 
into two brigades, one of which he commanded himself 1 , 
and Col. Morgan the other, began his march for England 
on the first day of January, and on the second took his 
quarters at Willar, where he received letters from the Parlia- 
ment. On the fifth he came to Morpeth, and found there 
some persons sent to him by the Common Council of 
London, with orders to desire him to use his interest to call 
a free Parliament. The next day he entred Newcastle, 
and thence dispatched one Gumble 2 , whom he had 
entertained as his chaplain, with letters to the Parliament 
and Council of State, wherein protestations of duty and 
fidelity were not wanting. Divers lawyers of the Parlia- 
ment, with some others, gave a meeting to Monk's 
messenger at the Speaker's house ; and several citizens 
did the like at the house of one Mr. Robinson 3 , at both 

1 Monk brought with him about See Old Parliamentary History, xxii. 
5,000 foot and 2,000 horse. The 50 ; C. J. vii. 808. 
horse regiments were Monk's own, a For Gamble's account of his 
and those of Morgan, Knight, and mission see his Life of Monk, pp. 
Clobery. The foot consisted of the 204-220. It was printed in 1671, 
regiments of Monk, Fairfax, Lydcot, and seems to have been read and 
Reade and Hubblethorn. On Jan. 2, followed by Ludlow. 
according to Price, Monk quartered 3 John Robinson, knighted, and 
at Wooler, on Jan. 3 at a village on created a baronet June 22, 1660, for 
the way to Morpeth, and on Jan. 4 his share in the bringing about the 
at Morpeth, where he received an Restoration. On that share see 
address sent from London by the Gumble's Life of Monk, p. 219 ; 
sword-bearer of the city. Price, p. Clarendon State Papers, iii. 660, 715 ; 
750; Baker, p. 629; Gumble, p 197. Kennet's Register, pp. n, 96, 133. 
On Jan. 5, Monk quartered at New- Pepys met him on March 17, 1663, 
castle, on Jan. 6 at Durham. Gumble when Robinson was Lord Mayor, and 
was sent from Morpeth on Jan. 4, describes him thus : ' A talking, brag- 
according to Price, but the letters he ging, buffleheaded fellow that would 
carried are dated Newcastle, Jan. 6. be thought to have led all the City in 



His conduct during his march. 207 

which meetings Gumble was assured that they and their 1660 
parties would be favourable to Monk's design. Having in 
a few days dispatched the business he came about, he 
returned to his master, with an account of the success of his 
negotiation. He found him at Mansfield in Nottingham- Jan. 18. 
shire ; and having acquainted him with the divisions at 
London, and with the inclinations of the City, Monk 
marched the next day to Nottingham, where he staid ten Jan. 19-23. 
days. In his march he removed many officers from their 
commands, placing in their room persons of ruined fortunes 
or profligate lives, making no distinction between those 
that had continued in their obedience to the Parliament, 
and those who had declared against them. In particular 
he discharged from their imployments divers officers of our 
Irish Brigade, who had been the most zealous for asserting 
the civil authority, and filled their places with such as had 
been dismissed for their vicious lives or corrupt principles. 
Wherein his deportment was so visible, that Col. Martin in 
the Parliament House resembled him to one, that being 
sent for to make a sute of clothes, brought with him 
a budget full of carpenter's tools 1 , and being told that such 

the great business of bringing in the what he aimed at, a King or a Corn- 
King, and that nobody understood monwealth ? The General answered, 
his plot, and the dark lanthorn he ''You have known me a longtime, 
walked by ; but led them and plowed and you know that I have been these 
with them as oxes and asses (his many years for a Commonwealth : 
own words) to do what he had and I am still of that opinion." He 
a mind : when in every discourse returned, " I ought to believe your 
I observe him to be as very a cox- Excellency ; but will you give me 
comb as I could have thought had leave to tell you a story. It was 
been in the City.' this : A city tailor was met one 
1 Price tells the same story a little evening in the country, with a pick- 
differently. ' The General still ad- axe and spade : a neighbour of his 
hered to a Commonwealth, and asked him whither he was going 
neither jest nor earnest could make with those instruments? He an- 
any other discovery of him : for swered, to take measure for a new 
once he was set upon, in jest, by suit of cloaths at such a house, and 
a late Long - Parliament - Common- for such a person. His neighbour 
wealth 's-man, who was good at it. demanded, 'What, with a pick-axe 
He told the General, that he had and a spade.' ' Yea,' quoth the tailor, 
always had a great esteem of him 'these are the measures now in 
(I think he had once, at a pinch, fashion.' " So he left the application 
happily served him), and asked him to his Excellency, whether his new 



208 Monk's declarations for a Commonwealth. 

1660 things were not at all fit for the work he was desired to do, 
answered, 'it matters not, I will do your work well enough 
I warrant you.' Yet for all this the pretences for a 
Commonwealth went never more high than at this time : 
for besides an injunction laid upon all commissionated 
officers to engage to be true and faithful to the Common- 
wealth, the Parliament appointed an oath, containing the 
abjuration of the family of the Stuarts, to be taken by the 
members of the Council of State before they might act 
therein. But none were more forward to publish their 
resolutions of adhering to a Commonwealth-government 
Jan. 23. than Monk himself, who in a letter to some of his own 
countrymen of the western parts 1 , that had addressed him 
for the restitution of the Secluded M embers, told them that 
he could not do it, because it was not only contrary to his 
own frequent declarations, but directly opposite to the 
interest of a Commonwealth, as well as to that of the 
army ; a thing not to be done by him, or borne by them, 
being a total reversing of all that had been done for the 
last twelve years in England, Scotland and Ireland, and 
tending to charge the nation with all the blood that had 
been shed during that time. He said it would unsettle the 
possession of Deans, Chapters, Delinquents, Crown and 
rebels lands ; and in fine, if we should suffer monarchy to 
return amongst us, after so long a fruition of a Common- 
wealth, we should be driven to a worse condition than ever, 
and put past all hopes of appearing to defend our liberty 
any more. He advised them therefore to acquiesce in the 
authority of the present Parliament, who, he assured them, 
were most ready to hearken to all reasonable propositions 
touching the good and happy settlement of the nation. 

models in the army were fit tools of Devon dated Jan. 14, and sent by 

to make a Commonwealth with' Mr. Bampfield to the Speaker, to be 

(P- 795)- communicated to Parliament. It is 

1 Monk's letter to the gentlemen rinted in Mercurius Politicus, Jan. 

of Devonshire, directed to Mr. Rolle, 28 -Feb. 2, p. 1052, in the Old Parlia- 

is dated Leicester, Jan. 23, was read mentary History, xxii. 68. See also 

in Parliament Jan. 26, and was oc- Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659-60, pp. 330, 

casioned by a letter from the gentry 345. 



Monks attitude towards the Parliament. 209 

And that this answer might be taken notice of by all men, 1660 
he caused it to be printed and published. 

The Parliament being willing to encourage him in the 
good resolutions he professed to have taken, sent Mr. 
Thomas Scot and Mr. Luke Robinson, members of the 
House, to be commissioners from them to him 1 . Mr. Scot 
had kept a long correspondence with him, and after the 
last interruption had published some of his letters, wherein 
Monk declared his resolution to live and die with the 
Parliament, without a King, single person, or House of 
Lords. These two persons were in appearance much 
courted by Monk, who pretended to be wholly directed 
by their advice. And when the commissioners for the city 
of London, or the gentry of those parts where he passed, 
applied themselves to him for the restitution of the 
Secluded Members, he referred them to the judgment of 
the Parliament, to whom, he said, he was resolved intirely 
to submit. He also solicited Sir Arthur Haslerig and 
some others of the House, that the sectarian party might 
be removed out of the army, sending a list of the names of 
all those who had been continued in their employments by 
the army during the late interruption ; and pretending that 
a Commonwealth could not possibly be established whilst 
such men were in power. What he did relating to the 
affairs of Ireland was carried more covertly, and coloured 
with the name of Sir Charles Coote 8 . And because he 
knew I had some reputation with Sir Arthur Haslerig and 
the Commonwealth-party of the House, he made use of Sir 
Anthony Ashley Cooper, Mr. Weaver, Mr. Justice St. Johns, 
Mr. Robert Reynolds, and some others, to obtain what he 
desired in that matter. These gentlemen were informed 
that the Council of State, notwithstanding all the arts that 

1 Scot and Robinson were sent to London, and acted as interme- 

on Jan. 16, and found Monk on Jan. diary between him and the Irish 

23, on the road between Leicester officers. Baker, p. 703. Monk sent 

and Nottingham. Sir Joseph Douglas to Coote from 

8 Sir Charles Coote sent Captain Durham to engage him to declare for 

Cuff to Monk, who accompanied the a free Parliament. Price, p. 751. 
general in his march from Newcastle 

VOL. II. P 



2io Proceedings against Ludlow. 

1660 had been used to calumniate me, had agreed upon a report 
Jan. 13. to be made to the Parliament, that Sir Hardress Waller, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, and Major Godfrey, might be 
intrusted in conjunction with me, with the management of 
affairs in Ireland. They knew also that the two last would 
be ready to do any honest thing that I should advise ; and 
therefore fearing lest the Parliament might agree with the 
Council of State upon the report, they procured the debate 
to be adjourned for three days, within which time they so 
ordered the matter, that Col. Bridges and the two Warrens 
Jan. 19. presented to the Parliament the charge of high treason 
against the Commissioners and me, as I mentioned before 1 . 
Whereof Monk's party in the House made such advantage, 
as not only to refuse their concurrence with the Council of 
State in their report concerning me, but also by the help of 
the lawyers' rhetorick, who were my professed adversaries 
on account of my endeavours to reform the practice of the 
law, passed a vote to require me to deliver the fort of 
Duncannon into the hands of the prosecutors ; some of 
them moving that in case of refusal I should be declared 
a traitor, and sent for in custody. Which perhaps might 
have passed also, if Mr. Henry Nevil, who singly had the 
courage to defend me in that conjuncture, had not spoken 
in my behalf, desiring them not to entertain a jealousy of 
a faithful servant upon informations unproved, nor to do 
any thing to the prejudice of my reputation, till I should 

1 Col. Bridges presented Articles Robert Goodwin and Mr. Weaver, 
of Impeachment against Ludlow, Commissioners in their place. Ludlow 
Jones, Corbet and Thomlinson, and and the other accused were ordered 
the resolves of a Council of War held to attend the Parliament to answer 
at Dublin, Dec. 26. These are printed the charges. It was also ordered 
in the Appendix, from the copies sent that the list of the officers of the army 
to Monk, whose letter on the subject in Ireland should be referred to the 
to the Council of State is added. Commissioners of the army to con- 
Clarke MSS. lii. ff. 53-56. On Jan. sider of and report to the House, and 
19, when these charges were pre- that Lieutenant-General Ludlow and 
sented, the House suspended all the all other persons should forthwith 
powers formerly given to Ludlow surrender the Fort of Duncannon, 
and his fellow Commissioners, and and the city of Cork and the forts 
appointed Sir Charles Coote, Sir therein, to Sir Hardress Waller and 
Hardress Waller, Col. Markham, Mr. Sir Charles Coote. C. J. vii. 815. 



Haslerig loses ground. 211 

be heard ; when, he doubted not, I would make appear, 1660 
that I had always endeavoured to promote their service 1 . 
But I was not the only person borne down by this torrent. 
Sir Arthur Haslerig himself having parted with Sir Henry 
Vane and Major Saloway, his most able and best friends, 
began to lose ground, and all that he said in the House 
or elsewhere to go for nothing. And tho they could find 
out no colour to remove him as they had done the other 
two ; yet having already rendred him insignificant in the 
Parliament, they resolved he should have as little power 
in the army. To that end it was contrived that Monk Jan. 28. 
should write to the Parliament, that for their greater 
security, the forces that were in and about London 
amounting to about seven or eight thousand horse and 
foot, might be removed to a farther distance to make room 
for those that he had with him, presuming to name to the 
Parliament some particular regiments which he principally 
insisted to have removed, amongst which Sir Arthur 
Haslerig's regiment of horse was one 2 . And so tame was 
the Parliament grown, that tho it was most visible he 
designed their ruin, yet on his bare word and empty 
protestations they not only trusted him, but obeyed him as 
their superior, and ordered all that he desired to be put Jan. 30. 
in execution. Notwithstanding this unhappy posture of 
affairs, thinking it my duty to clear my self of the aspersions 

1 Henry Nevill (1620-1694) had Albans, Jan. 28, was read in Parlia- 
represented Abingdon in the Long ment on Jan. 30, and orders given to 
Parliament, having been elected in the troops accordingly. The letter 
1645, and had been a member of the itself and the list of the troops to 
Council of State in Nov. 1651. 'He be removed are printed in the con- 
was a great Rota-man,' says Wood. tinuation of Baker's Chronicle, pp. 
' was one of the chief persons of 701-2. Four regiments of horse, viz. 
James Harrington's club of Common- Okey's, Cooper's, Haslerig's and 
wealthsmen, to instill their principles Rich's, were removed from Lon- 
into others.' Nevill seems to have don, and six regiments of foot, 
been the only one of the republican Fleetwood's, Markham's, Streater's, 
theorists with whom Ludlow was Moss's, Fitch's, and that of Col. 
intimate. Their common opposition Ayres. The regiments of Morley and 
to Cromwell during 1653-8 had Fagg, of which Monk was sure, were 
brought them together. allowed to remain in London. 

a Monk's letter, written from St. 

P 3 



212 Ludlow and Haslerig. 

1660 cast upon me, and to improve the small interest I had left 
for the service of the publick cause, I resolved to take 
my place in Parliament 1 . And in order thereunto, being 
accompanied by Mr. Henry Nevil, I attended Sir Arthur 
Haslerig at Whitehall, where I gave him a short account of 
my actions since I had last seen him, of my endeavours in 
Ireland to serve the publick, of the state of affairs there, of 
the principles and practices of those that had assumed the 
power in that country, and of the readiness of the souldiers 
and most of the officers in that army to have served the 
Parliament faithfully and usefully, if they had been true to 
themselves and their own interest. I also acquainted him 
with the sense I had of the late severe, if I might not say 
unjust, proceedings against me, which seemed to me to be 
such a requital of my faithful services, that if I expected 
my reward from men, I should rather chuse to serve the 
Great Turk. But that I might not be wanting to my self, 
and in order to justify my own innocence, if I could do no 
farther good, I had resolved to go to the Parliament House 
the next morning, desiring his advice and that of Mr. Nevil 
for my government when I should come thither. Sir Arthur 
was unwilling to enter into any discourse concerning 
what had lately passed, saying, it was too late to recal 
things now : and then told us how his enemies thought to 
ensnare him, by Monk's motion to the Parliament for 
removing his regiment from London, thinking thereby to 
create a difference between him and Monk, wherein he had 
disappointed them by desiring their removal himself, 
contrary to their expectation, entring into a prolix com- 
mendation of Monk, and assuring us that he was a person 
on whose fidelity they might safely rely. And if I may 
be permitted to deliver my sense touching this discourse of 
Sir Arthur Haslerig, I conjecture it proceeded partly from 
an apprehension that things were already gone so far, that 
he doubted whether he could put any stop to them ; and 

1 ' Upon Monday (Jan. 30), Lieut.- Ireland, took their places in Parlia- 
General Ludlow and Miles Corbet, ment.' Mercurius Politicus, Jan. 29- 
Esq., being newly come over from Feb. a. 



Charges against the Irish Commissioners. 213 

partly from some sparks of hope that Monk could not be 1660 
such a devil to betray a trust so freely reposed in him. 
For he kept a constant correspondence with Sir Arthur, 
and in all his letters repeated the engagements of his 
fidelity to the Parliament, with expressions of the greatest 
zeal for a Commonwealth-government. In the conclusion 
it was agreed between us, that when I came into the House 
I should sit as privately as I could, and observe the temper 
of the members, before I should put them upon the 
consideration of my affair. Accordingly I went to the 
House, and tho they had used me in the manner I have 
related, yet they treated me very civilly, some of them 
telling me in a jesting way, that it was not usual for men 
accused of high treason to be so well received in that place. 
Having taken out a copy of the charge exhibited against 
the Commissioners and me, I found the Commissioners 
to be charged with altering their title during the late 
interruption, from Commissioners of Parliament to Com- 
missioners of the Commonwealth ; and that they had sent 
a ship of war to prevent any relief to or correspondence 
with the garison of Ayre in Scotland, who had declared 
for the Parliament. Besides which, Col. John Jones was 
accused for taking part with the army against the Parlia- 
ment, not only in the particulars aforesaid, but also in his 
answer to the letter written by Monk to me, on supposition 
that I was then in Ireland, to invite me to a conjunction 
with him for the restitution of the Parliament : and likewise 
for promoting a subscription to the government of the 
army amongst the officers in Ireland. As for me, I was 
charged with assisting the army in England, and doing 
acts of hostility by sea and land against those in Ire- 
land who had declared for the Parliament. Whereupon Feb. i. 
I moved the House that they would be pleased, according 
to their order, to hear me touching their affairs in Ire- 
land, and to permit me to justify my self, which I did the 
rather that I might have an opportunity to procure that 
mischievous order for the surrender of Duncannon to be 
recalled, hoping that it had not yet been put in execution. 



214 Monk approaches London. 

1660 But all that I could obtain was, to have a day appointed 
when I should be heard 1 . Mr. Miles Corbet, who arrived 
in England some days before me, was so terrified with the 
proceedings of the Parliament against Sir Henry Vane and 
Major Saloway, together with the name of a charge of 
high treason against himself, that he had never appeared 
publickly since his arrival, till upon some discourse with 
me he took courage, and went with me to the House. 

In the mean time Monk was come to Barnet, and being 
expected at London the next day, orders were issued out for 
the old regiments of the army to march from the town ; 
which so disgusted them, that many refused to march till 
Feb. 2. their arrears were paid. This mutiny began at Somerset 
House, where one whole regiment was quartered, who were 
joined by divers parties of the rest 2 . The Cavaliers and 
Presbyterians of the city hoping to improve this opportunity, 
invited them to join with the City, as they termed their 
party there, promising them their whole arrears, constant 
pay, and a present gratuity, giving them some money in 
hand as an earnest of the rest. The souldiers took their 
money, but withal threatned them, that unless they de- 
parted immediately, they would fire upon them, declaring 
their resolution to continue faithful to the Parliament. 
Hereupon the Council of State, that they also might cut 
the grass from under their own feet, sent orders to Monk 
to hasten his march, and with all diligence to come to their 
relief. These male-contents were very numerous, amounting 
to more than two thousand foot ; and about the same 
number of horse were ready to join with them. But no 
considerable person appearing at the head of them, their new 
officers, who laboured the whole night to satisfy them, pre- 
vailed with them to march the next morning, upon promise 
that their arrears should be paid at their next quarters. The 

1 On Feb. i, 1660, it was ordered Feb. 15. C. J. vii. 829, 837. 
' that Lieutenant-General Ludlow do 2 On this mutiny see Pepys, ed. 

on Wednesday next (Feb. 8) give an Wheatley, i. 40, 41 ; Lister, Life of 

account to the Parliament of the Clarendon, iii. 83 ; Guizot, Richard 

affairs in Ireland.' On Feb. 8, Lud- Cromwell, ii. 342 ; Cal. S. P., Dom., 

low's statement was adjourned till 1659-60, p. 344. 



Ludlow visits Monk. 215 

following day Monk marched to London in the head of 1660 
his party J , which for the most part were quartered about Feb - 3- 
Whitehall, where lodgings had been provided for him : and 
immediately some members of Parliament were sent to 
congratulate his arrival. The same evening I met Vice- 
Admiral Lawson at Sir Henry Mildmay's lodgings at 
Whitehall, and knowing him to be familiarly acquainted 
with Monk, I desired that we might make him a visit 
together, which he readily consented to. We found him 
alone in the Prince's lodgings ; where having congratulated 
the success of his attempt to restore the Parliament to the 
exercise of their authority, I took the freedom to tell him, 
that having an opportunity put into his hands to free these 
nations from the danger of being oppressed, as they had 
lately been, by the power of the sword, I hoped he would 
improve it to the publick advantage, by giving his assistance 
to the Parliament in settling the government upon so just 
a foundation that it might be supported for the future by 
the love and affections of the people. He answered, that 
as God had owned him in his work, so he desired that He 
alone might have the glory : that it was true, factions had 
been carried on ; but that he was fully resolved to promote 
the interest of a Commonwealth. Which resolution when 
I had commended, and encouraged him as well as I could 
to continue, he said, ' We must live and die for and with 
a Commonwealth.' Then I told him, that I had met lately 
with one Mr. Courtney, who said he was his relation, and 
having drunk too much at the inn where I lay in my way 
to London, boasted that his cousin Monk would do great 
things for the King ; but that upon my objecting his pub- 
lick declarations and protestations to the contrary, he began 
to doubt, and said, that his cousin being a man of honour, 
he feared he would be as good as his word. ' Yea,' said 
Monk, ' if there were nothing in it but that, I must make 
good my word, and will too.' ' I presume,' said I, ' that the 

1 Monk brought with him to Knight, his own regiment of foot and 
London his own regiment of horse those of Colonels Read, Lydcott and 
and those of Colonels Clobery and Hubblethorn. 



216 Monk before the Parliament. 

1660 answer you have lately published to your country-men's 
letter, hath given them all satisfaction concerning you.' 
He replied, that he hoped it had. These and many other 
protestations of zeal to the common cause, with many 
professions of friendship to our selves, we received from him 
at that time ; wherewith Vice-Admiral Lawson was so 
satisfied, that he said to me after we had parted from him, 
that since the Levite and the priest had passed by and 
would not help us, he hoped we had found a Samaritan 
that would do it. 

Feb. 4. The Parliament having notice of Monk's arrival, sent 
a message to him by Mr. Scot and Mr. Robinson, to desire 
his attendance at their house the next day : whither being 

Feb. 6. come, a chair was ordered for him, but he refused to sit, 
contenting himself to stand behind it uncovered, laying his 
hand upon the chair. The Speaker, as he had been ordered, 
gave him the thanks of the House for the service he had 
done, extolling him above all the worthies of former and 
later ages. To whose rhetorick he answered, that as to 
what was done, he desired God might have the glory, in 
that He had wrought deliverance by so weak an instrument. 
After which he informed the House, that in his march many 
applications had been made to him by all sorts of persons 
for a free Parliament ; and that he had acquainted them, 
that the end of his march being to free the Parliament from 
the power of those who had imposed on them, he doubted 
not they would take all possible care of the publick good. 
Then he put them in mind of their resolution to fill up the 
House, which he said, would tend much to the satisfaction 
of the nation. He desired that fanatical persons, as he 
called them, might be removed from places of trust, and 
undertook to answer for the fidelity of those who had 
assumed the power in Ireland, concluding with professions 
of the utmost zeal and faithfulness to their service *. Thus 

1 Monk's speech/which is not given by your interruptions, which pre- 

in the Journals, is printed by Gumble, vented the passing of an Act for the 

p. 230, and in Baker, p. 704. It con- settlement of the estates of the 

tains a hit at Ludlow :' Ireland is in an adventurers and soldiers there. . .. 

ill-settled condition, and made worse I need not tell you how much you 



Intrigues of the Secluded Members. 2 1 7 

he gave the Parliament good words, for which they heaped l66 
their favours upon him ; they voted one thousand pounds 
per annum to be setled on him. And that nothing might 
be wanting to compleat this scene, Monk's wife took especial 
care to treat the wives of the members that came to visit 
her, running her self to fetch the sweetmeats, and filling 
out wine for them ; not forgetting to talk mightily of self- 
denial, and how much it was upon her husband's heart that 
the government might be setled in the way of a Common- 
wealth. In the mean time the Secluded Members had their 
meetings with those of the same faction in the city ; and some 
of those that sate in Parliament J were earnest promoters of 
their return to the House, of whom was Col. Lassels, and 
Col. Richard Ingoldsby, who had been two of the King's 
judges : but the person I most wondred at was Col. 
Hutchinson, who having exceeded most of the members 
of the High Court of Justice in zeal for putting the King to 
death, at this time acted a very different part, pressing the 
House with an unbecoming importunity to proceed against 
Sir Henry Vane, for not removing into the country according 
to their order, when it was well known he was so much 
indisposed, that he could not do it without the apparent 
hazard of his life. Many alarms were given to the Parlia- 
ment by their faithful friends in printed discourses, and 
other ways, whereby they were put in mind that the 
enemies quarrel was not so much against persons as things ; 
and, as one termed it, not against Ludlow and Rich, but 
against the cause it self. They were advised to accept the 
assistance of their old servants, and to incourage them in 

were abused in the nomination of probably be inserted here, but cannot 

the officers of your armies there ; conveniently be placed in the text, 

their malice that deceived you hath and is therefore given as a note. ' In 

been sufficiently manifested. I do the meantime, the Secluded Members 

affirm that those now, that have de- held their cabals with the City of 

clared for you, will continue faithful, London, for the carrying on of these 

and thereby convince, that as well designs, and some of those members 

there as here, it is the sober interest who sat, especially Sir Anthony 

must establish dominion.' Ashley Cooper and Col. Feilder, had 

1 The following suppressed pas- correspondency with them.' 
sage, printed by Mr. Christie, should 



2 1 8 Monk sent into the City. 

1660 their fidelity, as the only means to preserve themselves and 
the Commonwealth from certain ruin : but they were deaf 
to all salutary counsel, and resolved to finish the work with 
the new instruments which they had chosen. To that end 
they proceeded on the bill for filling up the House, which 
by wise men was thought a most dangerous expedient in 
that conjuncture, unless Monk should prove more honest 
than they could believe him to be. The city of London 
also took upon them in their Common Council to receive 
petitions from the adjacent counties, touching the paiment 
of taxes and other publick affairs, presuming not only to 
call in the petitioners, and to give them thanks for their 
good affections ; but also passed a vote that they would 
pay no taxes, but such as should be imposed by a free 
Parliament. 

Feb. 8. The Council of State having received a particular account 
of the proceedings in the City, sent for Monk to consult 
with him concerning the best means to put a stop to these 
disorders : and some of them moving that the Common 
Council should be forbidden to sit, some few of the most 
active seized, the gates of the City taken down, the port- 
cullaces wedged, and the posts with their chains pulled up ; 
Monk said, that if they did no more, that would serve 
for nothing, because the damage might be soon repaired. 
He added, that the disaffection of the City was so great, 
that they would never be quiet, till some of them were 
hanged ; and that it was absolutely necessary for the 
present to break in pieces their gates and portcullaces, 
to burn their posts, and to carry away their chains to 
the Tower ; offering himself, if they would command 
these things to be done, to see their orders put in 
execution. Hereupon the Council ordered him to march 

Feb. 9. into the City with his forces early the next morning, before 
the occasion of his coming amongst them should be known. 
Various reports were published touching the design of his 
march into the City, and many suspected that he had already 
declared for the King. But when the House was met, the 
Council of State made their report to us, and informed us 



He refuses to complete his task. 219 

of the unwarrantable proceedings of the Common Council, 1660 
and of their own resolutions and orders concerning them ; 
in the execution of which they assured us Monk had by 
that time made a considerable progress, having already 
pulled up the posts with their chains, taken down the 
portcullaces and the gates of the City, which he had begun 
to cut in pieces, and seized some of the most active of the 
Common Council. The Parliament having heard the report 
of the Council of State, approved what they had done, and 
ordered fifty pounds to be given to Monk to defray the 
expence of his dinner that day, he having refused to dine 
at the charge of the City, tho earnestly importuned to it by 
divers citizens. All things going so well that morning both 
in the army, and in the Parliament, Sir Arthur Haslerig 
was again so elevated, that coming into the House in the 
afternoon, he broke out in the presence of divers members 
into these expressions, ' All is our own, he will be honest.' 
But it was not long before his wine was turned into water : 
for as soon as the House was sate, a letter was presented to 
the Speaker from Monk, the contents whereof made them 
easily perceive that his zeal to their service began to cool. 
Therein he acquainted them with what he had done in 
prosecution of the orders he had received, and that he 
wanted tools and instruments to finish the work, having 
already spoiled all those that he had brought with him to 
cut the gates and other defences of the City in pieces ; that 
the mayor and citizens had promised obedience to the 
Parliament for the time to come, and therefore he desired 
they would respite the execution of what remained of his 
instructions ; hoping that what had been done would be 
a sufficient admonition to the City for their future good 
behaviour. The Parliament understanding the tendency 
of this letter, were highly offended with Monk for presuming 
to neglect and dispute their commands : and being resolved 
to do as much as they could in this matter to preserve 
their authority, they dispatched a message to him, re- 
quiring the exact performance of the orders he had received. 
Upon the receipt of these second orders, Monk seemed 



22O Monk's letter to the Parliament. 

1660 much disturbed, but yielded little or no obedience to them, 
and lay that night in the City 1 . The day following he 

Feb. io. returned with his forces to Whitehal, and about two days 
after sent a letter to the House, directed to the Speaker, and 

Feb. ii. subscribed by himself and some of his officers ; wherein 
they complained that the Parliament had put them upon 
the late disobliging work in the City to render them odious 
to the citizens ; that they continued to favour the fanatick 
party, by not prosecuting those that had acted with the 
army in the late Committee of Safety, and by permitting 
Sir Henry Vane and Col. Lambert to stay in town contrary 
to their own order for their removal ; that they admitted 
men to sit with them in the House, who lay under 
accusations of high treason (meaning Mr. Miles Corbet and 
me, tho not naming us ;) that on the contrary they shewed 
a backwardness to repose any confidence in those who 
were their truest friends, upbraiding them with refusing to 
approve some officers that had been presented to them, and 
delaying to grant commissions to others whom they had 
approved. They also reflected upon the Parliament for not 
making provision for the army, nor minding the publick 
work, putting them in mind of the vote for their dissolution 
in May following ; and adding some threatning expressions, 
in case they should not issue out writs for filling up the Par- 
liament according to their promise. After the reading of 
this letter from Monk, I perceived most of the members 
who had any affection to their country to be much dejected 2 . 

1 'That night [Thursday, Feb. 9], " Pepys was in Westminster Hall 

in order to the preservation of the when the letter came. ' At noon I 

peace of the City, he made his quarter walked in the Hall where I heard the 

at the Three Tuns in Guildhall yard." news of a letter from Monk, who is 

On Friday he marched back to White- now gone into the City again, and 

hall and lodged there that night. did resolve to stand for the sudden 

On Saturday, he returned with his filling up of the House, and it was 

forces to the City and took up his all very strange how the countenance 

residence at the Glass-house in of men in the Hall was all changed 

Broad-street. On Monday, Feb. 13, with joy in half an hour's time. So 

Monk removed his quarter from I went up to the lobby, where I saw 

Broad-street to the house of Alderman the Speaker reading of the letter; 

Wale, next door to Drapers' Hall in and after it was read, Sir A Hasle- 

Throckmorton-street. rigge came out very angry, and 



Ludlow cannot obtain a hearing. 221 

But the Parliament having devested themselves of their 1660 
own strength, and abandoned all into the hands of Monk, 
tho no man had ever before presumed to address himself 
to them in so insolent a manner, yet they took his letter 
into consideration, and resolved to give him as much satis- 
faction as they could with any colour of justice. To that 
end they quickened their committee to bring in their 
report touching those that had acted in the late Committee 
of Safety : they ordered Sir Henry Vane to depart the town Feb. 13. 
by a certain day, and that Col. Lambert should render 
himself within a limited time. They also resolved to issue 
out writs of summons for recruiting the House ; but being 
fully perswaded that the charge of high treason against me 
was groundless and frivolous, they omitted to make any 
order concerning it. However, being desirous to procure 
some relief for those whom I had left at Duncannon, and to 
endeavour that the forces in Ireland might be put into good 
hands, I hoped that if I should move to be heard, I might 
at the same time have an opportunity to press the two last 
things, which I esteemed very necessary in that conjuncture : 
I desired therefore that since I conceived my self aimed at 
in one part of Monk's letter, the Parliament would be 
pleased to hear me in vindication of my innocence : but 
I could not obtain a present hearing, my case being put 
off till a farther time, and then delayed from day to day, till 
the dissipation of those who should have been my judges. 

Sir Henry Vane, according to the late order, was 
preparing to leave the town ; of which having notice, 
I went to make him a visit at his house, where he told me 
that unless he were much mistaken, Monk had yet several 
masques to pull off, assuring me for what concerned himself, 
that he had all possible satisfaction of mind as to those 
actions God had enabled him to do for the Commonwealth, 
and hoped the same God would fortify him in his sufferings, 

Billing (a Quaker) standing at the Feb. n, 1660, ed. Wheatley. The 

door took him by the arm, and cried, letters of Monk mentioned here and 

*' Thou man, will thy beast carry thee on p. 219, are reprinted in the old 

no longer ? thou must fall." ' Diary, Parliamentary History, xxii. 92, 98. 



222 Monk in the City. 

1660 how sharp soever, to bear a faithful and constant testimony 

thereto. 

Feb. ii. Monk having alarm'd the Parliament by the foresaid 
letter, and either not daring to trust himself at Whitehal, 
or thinking London a fitter place to pursue his design 
in, he retired with his forces into the City, where he mus- 
tered his men, and was splendidly entertain'd at dinner by 
the Mayor and others *. Hereupon the Parliament, who 
endeavoured by all means to give him satisfaction, sent 
Mr. Thomas Scot and Mr. Luke Robinson, who had been 
their commissioners to him, as I mentioned before, to assure 
him of their good intentions towards him 2 : but he having 
now fortified himself by the conjunction of the City, began 
to treat them in a manner much different from his former 
carriage, not admitting them without difficulty to his 
presence ; and when he condescended to speak to them, his 
discourse tended always to the same purpose with his 
letter, aspersing the proceedings of the Parliament, and 
amongst other things reproaching them with their favour 
to me, as Mr. Scot afterwards informed me : insomuch 
that he who had so lately undertaken to the Parliament for 
Monk's integrity and fidelity to their service, began to lose 
all hopes of him. Yet for all his insolent carriage to the 
Parliament and their commissioners 3 , his party in the House 
had the confidence to move that he might be made general 
of their forces, the time limited by Act of Parliament for 

1 Ludlow returns again to the their service ; and now when he 
eventsofFeb.n. came from the Irish Army to im- 

2 ' Scot made protestations of the peach Ludlow and Jones of high 
Parliament's affection to him and treason, he could have no justice, 
their high opinion of his services, but was put off from day to day, 
thereby to divert him from his in- when Praise God Barebone could be 
tendons of staying in the City : but heard and admitted with a seditious 
Colonel Bridges, an officer of Ire- petition the first moment he came 
land, that stood by told them, "The to the door of the House."' Baker, 
general had no reason to credit their p. 708. 

fine speeches, since their words and s Letters from the Council of State 

their practices agreed not together, to Monk between Feb. 12-20, are 

as was manifest in their contempt of printed in Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659 60, 

those his friends in Ireland, who for pp. 358, 360, 365, 367, 379. 
his sake hazarded themselves in 



Five Army-commissioners appointed. 223 

commissionating him with others to command the army 1660 
in England and Scotland being almost expired. Many 
arguments were used to that end, tho those which were 
most pressed were taken from the consideration of the 
present posture of their affairs. But the Parliament still 
retaining some sparks of that courage with which they had 
been formerly animated, and having found by sad experience 
what miseries they had brought upon the nation and them- 
selves by trusting Cromwel and others too far, chose 
rather to perish by the hands of an enemy, if Monk should 
resolve to be so, than by the delusions of a pretended 
friend : and therefore having rejected the proposition to 
make him general, they passed a vote that their armies in 
England and Scotland should be governed by commis- 
sioners, the number of them to be five, and any three of 
them to make a quorum. But that they might avoid as 
much as possible to give him the least just cause of 
discontent, they first agreed that he should be one of the 
said commissioners. Then they proceeded to the nomina- Feb. 11. 
tion of the rest, and chose Sir Arthur Haslerig, tho he 
earnestly pressed them to excuse him, Col. Morley, and 
Col. Walton. These four being elected, it was visible that 
the balance of the commission would be in the fifth man 
that should be chosen, Monk having in a manner declared 
himself our enemy, and Col. Morley being sufficiently 
known to be of a temporizing spirit l . Hereupon Monk's 
party in the House moved that Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper 
might be the fifth commissioner, and on the other side the 
Commonwealth party had resolved to use their endeavours 
for Major-General Overton : but upon consideration of the 
differences that had been between him and Monk, whereby 

1 Evelyn records his negotiations the honour. He was still doubtful, 

with Morley on behalf of Charles II. and would resolve on nothing yet.' 

Diary, Dec. 10, 1659 ; Jan. 12, 1660. For Evelyn's letter to Morley, and a 

Under Jan. 22, he says that Morley detailed account of the episode, see 

'was very jealous, and would not Evelyn's Diary, ed. Wheatley, iii. 

believe that Monk came in to do the 177-183; Gumble's Life of Monk, 

King any service ; I told him he p. 243. 
might do it without him, and have all 



224 Haslerig deluded by Monk. 

1660 they feared he would not pass, they laid aside that resolu- 
tion, and agreed to put up Col. Alured. Sir Anthony Ashley 
Cooper being first named, was first put to the question, 
and by the majority of votes excluded. Col. Alured being 
next proposed, the question was carried for him to the 
great satisfaction of the Commonwealth party. Where- 
upon sitting by Col. Martin in the House, and being 
perswaded of the integrity of the major part of these 
commissioners, I desired him to move that the command 
of the forces in Ireland might be inserted in this commission, 
which, upon his motion, was ordered accordingly; and the 
Act, being but short, was read thrice, and passed before the 
rising of the House : and this I did, because I found no 
other probable way open to force the power in Ireland out 
of the hands of those that had usurped it. 

Tho these proceedings did not a little disturb Monk yet 
he endeavoured to disguise his dissatisfaction, and began 
again to court the members of Parliament more than 
before, whilst with the advice and assistance of his party 
in the City, he was forming a militia there, and nominating 
officers to command them, who were chosen for that pur- 
pose, rather on account of their disaffection to the Parlia- 
ment than any other good quality to be found about them. 
Having received advice of these transactions, I acquainted 
Sir Arthur Haslerig with my information, and desired him 
to think of some speedy remedy, proposing that he would 
cause our scattered forces to rendezvouz forthwith : but 
Sir Arthur was so deluded by the hypocrisy of Monk, that 
he assured me he had given him all the satisfaction both 
by words and letters that a man could give touching his 
integrity to the Parliament, shewing me and divers other 
members of Parliament, two letters *, which he had lately 

1 The letter from Monk to Haslerig, complains of reports that he was 

dated Feb. 13, and printed in the gathering forces to act against Monk. 

Clarendon State Papers, iii. 678, is ' Indeed, Sir, it exceedingly troubles 

evidently one of those shown by mee to heare such reports should 

Haslerig. It was called forth by a bee raised that are soe notoriously 

letter from Haslerig to Monk, written false. Believe mee, there was not 

on the previous day, in which he the least colour for this or any part 



Ludlow visits Monk. 225 

received from him, wherein were many expressions of 1660 
his zeal for the establishment of a Commonwealth, with 
earnest desires that there might be no difference between 
them touching the way, seeing they were both intirely 
agreed in the same end. 

Monk had taken up his quarters in the city, at the house Feb. 13. 
of one Col. Wall 1 , where I resolved to make him a visit, in 
order, either to take him off from that prejudice, which by 
a clause in his letter to the Parliament he seemed to have 
against me, or to make a more perfect discovery of his 
intentions ; supposing that, being a member of Parliament, 
he durst not attempt to seize my person, or if he did, that 
such an open violation of the privileges of Parliament would 
awaken them to provide for their own safety. I found the 
house where he lodged as full of souldiers as it could well 
be, and passed through several guards before I came to the 
chamber, where he received his visits. He was at the time 
of my coming in a private gallery, conferring with Mr. Ed- 
mund Calamy and others of the clergy. When he had 
taken leave of them, I was admitted, and at first perceived 



of it, and I assure you I had rather (the Lord assisting) be witnessed by 

dye then breake my word : I beseech the actions of my life, that these 

you forget not what I have said to nations be so settled in a free State, 

you, I shall never faile you in stand- without a King, single person, or 

ing for a Commonwealth. Sir, it is House of Peers, that they may be 

also reported I should have conference governed by their representatives in 

with Lambert and Sir Henry Vane ; Parliament successively ; and seeing 

the first I never spoke with since this is your principle also, or at 

his returne from Booth's defeate, nor least so held forth by you, I hope 

with Sir Henry Vane since his being there will be no clashing between us 

turned out of the House. Neither about circumstantials.' 

have I had or will be perswaded to 1 Alderman William Wale was in 

have any discourse with them, or March, 1660, colonel of the White 

either of them, or any for them; regimentoftheLondontrainedbands. 

neither will I be in any designe On Feb. 13, Monk ' removed his 

or plott whatsoever, for what I quarter from Broad Street to the 

doe shall be above board.' Clarke house of Alderman Wale next door 

MSS. Hi. 73. In his reply, Monk to Drapers Hall, in Throckmorton 

concluded by saying : ' As for a Street.' Mercurius Politicus, pp. 

Commonwealth, believe me, Sir, for mi, 1205. For Wale's pedigree, 

I speak it in the presence of God, see Le Neve's Pedigree sof Knights 

it is the desire of my soul, and shall made by Charles II, p. 46. 
VOL. II. Q 



226 Ludlow justifies himself to Monk. 

1660 him to be very shy of me : but after I had acquainted him 
that the cause of my visit was in order to undeceive him, 
and to remove, if possible, the prejudices he seemed to have 
against me, he suddenly changed his countenance, and 
treated me with great familiarity. Whereupon I told him, 
that having always endeavoured to assert the authority of 
the civil magistrate in opposition to the tyranny of the 
sword, I was unwilling to have any difference with him, 
who had declared for the same things : I assured him that 
I had publickly disapproved the answer of Col. Jones to 
that letter which he had sent to Ireland, directed to me, 
on supposition that I had then been in that country. 
I acquainted him with what I had done to preserve the 
Irish Brigade from joining with the army party, and how 
I had prevailed with them to engage to me under their hands 
not to fight against him, upon notice that he had espoused 
the cause of the Parliament. I acknowledged that I had 
displaced one of his relations in Ireland, not out of the least 
disrespect to him ; but according to a rule which I conceived 
to be most just, that those might be restored to their offices 
in the army, who had been removed for their affection 
to the Commonwealth, which was the case ; his kinsman 
having been made cornet of Major Dean's troop, and 
Cornet Whalley displaced for the reason before mentioned J . 
Hereupon Monk said that what I had done was most just, 
and that he never took any thing ill from me, either upon 
that or any other particular account. I then desired to 
know what reason he might have for entertaining any hard 
thoughts of me : to which he replied, that he had nothing 
to object against me but my favour to the fanatick party in 
Ireland. I told him that the party he meant had not acted 
as if they had been of the same opinion ; for having signed 
an address to the Parliament, whereby they engaged to be 

1 Major Joseph Dean was major active amongst the Irish officers on 
of the regiment of horse of Col. his uncle's behalf, and was accord- 
Peter Wallis, late Henry Cromwell's. ingly made by him lieutenant of the 
Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659-60, p. 13. Life-Guard. Baker, pp. 690, 699. 
Cornet Henry Monk had been 712. 



Montis protestations of republicanism. 227 

true and faithful to the civil authority, and delivered it into 1660 
my hands to be presented on their part ; the same men, 
notwithstanding their publick engagement and particular 
promises to me, had immediately after my departure signed 
an agreement with the army, thereby rejecting the civil 
power, and consequently me, whom the Parliament had 
intrusted to command their forces in Ireland : that as I had 
never thought the profession of religion to be alone 
sufficient to qualify men for imployments, if they wanted 
affection to the Commonwealth ; so I could not imagine 
which way religion should incapacitate persons for the 
publick service, who were not deficient in their fidelity and 
zeal for the common good. ' Yea,' said he, ' we must live and 
die together for a Commonwealth.' I hearing him say so, 
told him, that I was informed he was much pressed to 
restore the Secluded Members, who being highly enraged, 
would not fail to bring all things into confusion, and 
possibly endeavour to bring in the King. ' It may be,' said 
he, ' that they will attempt it, but they say they will not ; 
and I assure you, tho I bear as much respect to Parliaments 
as any man, yet if I should observe a Parliament to be 
about such a thing, I would interrupt them therein.' Having 
spent about half an hour with Monk, I took leave ; and as 
I went from him, I perceived one of his footmen to stand 
at the door of the room where we had discoursed, who 
I suppose was placed there by his master's order, to prevent 
me from dealing with him, as his conscience told him he 
deserved. He accompanied me to the foot of the stairs, 
and there parted with me, not without great shew of respect 
and civility; notwithstanding which it was manifest to me 
through all his disguises, by the persons he favoured and 
advanced, by the company he kept, and by the course he 
steered, that he was not bound to that harbour he pretended ; 
and could I have prevailed with the majority of the 
Parliament to be of the same opinion, he should not have 
carried on his design so smoothly: but into such a desperate 
frenzy were we fallen, that many of the House, either thro 
fear, or for what other reason I cannot tell, discovered 

Q3 



228 A conference with the Secluded Members. 

1660 themselves daily to be favourers of him ; who had by this 
time so far advanced his affairs, that he resolved to pull off 
another mask : and to that end desired some sitting members 
of the House to give a meeting to some of the Secluded 
Members, in order, as he pretended, to give them satisfaction 
touching the justice of their exclusion, wherein he owned 
himself to be throughly satisfied, affirming to Sir Arthur 
Haslerig and others, that he did this only to answer the 
vexatious importunity of the Secluded Members. By this 
means he prevailed with Sir Arthur and some others to 
Feb. 17. meet them at the time and place appointed 1 , where the 
Secluded Members, and especially Mr. Annesley, reflected 
so undecently upon the proceedings of the Parliament since 
their exclusion, that Sir Arthur hastily rose up, and 
designed to leave the company : but Monk in a drolling 
way desired him to be patient till he should moderate 
Annesley, which, he said, he knew well enough how to do. 
Upon this Sir Arthur Haslerig sate down again, but the 
other proceeding in the same manner, he lost all patience, 
and rising up, he departed from the conference : Mr. Scot, 
Mr. Robinson, Col. Morley, and Mr. Rawleigh staid there 
till the discourse was ended, and so did the Chief Justice 
St. Johns, who not discovering himself to be of either party, 
sate observing on which side the balance would fall, as if he 
had been still to choose. If the Parliament had not been 
wilfully blind, these things would have proved sufficient to 
open their eyes. But to leave them without the least colour 
of excuse, it happened at this time that advice was brought 
to them from Ireland, that those who had usurped the power 
there, for whose fidelity Monk had engaged, and who moved 
not a step without his orders and directions, had published 
a declaration against them 2 : the contents of it were more 

1 On this conference see Baker, and the rest of the Council of the 

p. 836. Officers of the army in Ireland present 

a This declaration was instigated at Dublin concerning the readmission 
by Monk. Price, p. 751. Cf. Guizot, of the Secluded Members. ' It con- 
Richard Cromwell, ii. 371 ; Carte, tains a direct attack on Ludlow. 
Ormond, iv. 51. It is entitled 'The ' Whereas Lieut.-General Ludlow had 
Declaration of Sir Charles Coote . . . placed in Ireland several officers who 



New declaration of the Irish officers. 229 



insolent than those of the letter which Monk had sent to 
the Parliament before he retired into the city ; for after they 
had reproached them with the favours they extended to 
men accused of high treason, and the discouragements they 
laid upon those who had been sent to England to prosecute 
them, they openly told the Parliament they could no longer 
own them for an authority, and therefore desired that a free 
Parliament might be called to put an end to the confusions 
which their miscarriages had brought upon the nation. It 
was matter of amazement that such a declaration should be 
published by men that pretended to act by the authority of 
the Parliament ; but it was not procured without opposition : 
for when Sir Charles Coote and Col. Theophilus Jones, who 
were the principal confidents of Monk on that side, had 
prepared their paper and a party to back it, Sir Hardress 
Waller, who had been one of the late King's judges, fearing 
the consequence of such practices, moved that the council 
of war might be adjourned into the castle: but not being 



1660 



are Anabaptists, many of whom had 
been very active in the late con- 
spiracies and actings of the factious 
part of the army in England, even 
against those members of Parliament 
now sitting at Westminster ; of 
which officers so placed by Lieut.- 
General Ludlow, it was found 
necessary to purge the army, and to 
put in their places persons more 
soberly minded and well affected to 
the Parliament ; yet after all that 
done, and after General Ludlow 
himself stood justly and deservedly 
charged with high treason, the said 
Lieut. -General Ludlow himself, and 
some others of the like principles 
with him, were by a report to the 
Council of State proposed to be 
appointed to govern not only the 
army but the whole nation of Ireland, 
to the astonishment of the people 
and army here, to the unsettling of 
those persons so well deserving, to 
the hazard of the peace of the nation 
and army, and (which is above all) 



to the endangering even of religion 
itself. . . And although the said Lieut.- 
General Ludlow and Miles Corbet, 
Esq., together with Col. John Jones, 
and Col. Mat. Thomlinson, stand 
impeached from hence most justly 
of high treason, and that charge 
against them being known to the 
House, and there remaining, yetthey 
have admitted two of those persons, 
namely, the said Lieut. -General 
Ludlow and Miles Corbet, actually 
to sit in the said House.' On Feb. 
18, Lord Broghil and the officers of 
the Munster army also declared for 
a free Parliament. Thurloe, vii. 817. 
The Declaration of the General Con- 
vention of Ireland, on March 8, 
further complains that Ludlow and 
his colleagues ' have laboured and do 
labour to asperse this nation falsely 
and scandalously, as if the people of 
Ireland did by their necessitated 
proceedings intend to divide or 
separate from England.' 



2 ?o The surrender of Dublin Castle. 

\j / 

1660 able to carry that point, he communicated his design to as 
many as he thought fit, and making an excuse to go out of 
the room, he hastened away, and retired into the castle. 
Major Stanley, Lieut-Colonel Warren, and some others 
went immediately, and joined themselves to him ; and 
amongst them it was resolved to send out a party to seize 
Sir Charles Coote and his adherents. But he having notice 
of their intentions, had a party of his creatures ready ; and 
being accompanied by Col. Theophilus Jones, mounted on 
horseback at the head of them, riding up and down the 
streets of Dublin, and declaring for a free Parliament, which 
language was by that time sufficiently understood to be 
for the King. They were followed by a great rabble of 
the people, and thereby so incouraged, that they formed 
a design against the castle; and having posted their guards 
upon all the avenues, they sent a summons to Sir Hardress 
Waller to deliver the place into their hands. The Governour 
in his answer to the summons endeavoured to convince them 
of the injustice of their attempt, reminding them of the 
declarations they had lately made to be true and faithful to 
the present Parliament ; desiring them to consider how 
much it was their interest to adhere to them, since it was 
under their authority that they had acted for so many years 
past against the late King and his family, and that their 
titles to the possession of the lands forfeited by the rebels 
were founded upon the same power. Having dispatched 
this answer to Sir Charles Coote, he clothed all the 
souldiers out of the stores, and distributed a sum of ready 
money amongst them to secure their fidelity, with promises 
of a farther gratuity, if they would stand by him : but Sir 
Charles Coote found a way to treat with some of the 
garison, and after two or three days by large offers and 
advantageous terms, prevailed with them to deliver their 
Governour and the castle into his hands. By the expulsion 
of Sir Hardress Waller out of the army two regiments fell 
into the hands of those that had seized the government in 
Ireland, for which Sir Charles Coote had some difficulty to 
find colonels, having already disposed of two to himself, 



MonKs doings in the City. 231 

one to his brother Richard Coote, another to his brother 1660 
Chudleigh Coote, a fifth to his brother Thomas Coote, and 
a sixth to his cousin St. George. Which unequal distribu- 
tion was so resented by some of his own party, that Major 
Barrington moved at one of their councils of war, that 
a more equal hand might be kept in the disposal of 
imployments. Whereupon Sir Charles Coote, after he had 
severely reprimanded the major, discharged him from his 
command in the army 1 . 

In the mean time Monk had desired the mayor of London Feb. ti. 
to assemble the Common Council (tho the Parliament had 
dissolved them) and in defiance to their authority attended 
on them at Guildhal, excusing himself for what, he said, he 
had been constrained to do in the City by order of the 
Council of State, and assuring them that he was much 
troubled for that rigorous work. He declared himself ready 
to expose his person to all dangers for their service, and that 
he had not forgot the kind letter they had sent him whilst he 
was yet in the north : that he was then of the same opinion 
with them, but was obliged at that time to conceal it, till he 
might have an opportunity to discover his sentiments with 
better advantage. He also acquainted them that he had 
sent a letter to the Parliament, that they would fill up the 
House, and put an end to their sitting by the 6th of May. 
By this means he gave such encouragement to the Cavalierish 
party, that the rabble of them, as he passed by from Guildhal, 
cried out for a free Parliament ; and perceiving him not dis- 
pleased with their insolence, they made bonfires in London 
and Westminster for roasting the Rump l , as they presumed 
to call that Parliament, who in the five years' time that they 
governed without interruption, had raised the glory of the 
nation from the dust wherein it had been buried by the 
negligence and corruption of the preceding governments, 
and had rendred the English name formidable to all Europe. 
This riotous disorder, how pleasing soever it was to Monk, 

1 After a long digression, pp. 224- of the roasting of the Rump, see 
231, Ludlow goes back to the incidents Pepys, Feb. n, and Aubrey, Letters 
of Feb. ii ; see p. 220. For accounts from the Bodleian, ii. 455. 



232 Boldness of the Secluded Members. 

1660 yet it could not be properly charged upon him, because he 
had given no publick order for what had been done, and 
therefore he continued to declare as loud as ever how faith- 
ful he would be to the Commonwealth. And tho Sir Arthur 
Haslerig was informed of the foregoing particulars and 
many other things that seemed fully to discover Monk's 
design ; and tho I earnestly importuned him to improve 
the little time that remained to prevent the threatned ruin, 
by a speedy reunion with our old friends, by adjourning the 
Parliament to the Tower, and by drawing our dispersed 
forces together ; yet he would not be perswaded to any 
thing of that nature, persisting still in his opinion that all 
would be well, and that Monk would be honest. And that 
he might have no pretext to be otherwise, Sir Arthur 
doubting, by reason of the correspondence that continued 
between Monk and the Secluded Members, that, in case the 
writs for filling up the Parliament should not be issued out 
by the time prefixed, he would take advantage of that 
failure to bring them into the House, laboured diligently 
with the Parliament that it might be done to his satisfaction, 
and accordingly the Bill was passed within the time limited. 
But the Secluded Members being grown confident of 
attaining their ends by another way, deported themselves 
at a much higher rate than they were accustomed to do ; 
Major Harlow, who was one of them \ taking the liberty to 
say openly in Westminster Hall, that they would have their 
footmen chosen to supply their places. Sir Gilbert Gerrard 
also brought an action against Col. Alured for denying him 
admission to the House after the last restitution of the 
Parliament 2 ; but the colonel having acted by order of the 
Parliament, they ordered the process to be stopped. Yet so 
low were the affairs of the Parliament, and their authority 
so little regarded even in Westminster Hall, that Sir Robert 
Pye, who had been committed to the Tower by their order, 
suing for his Habeas Corpus at the Upper Bench, and Judg 

1 Major Robert Harley. Clarendon place on Dec. 27. See Old Parlia- 
S. P. iii. 685, 746. mentary History, xxii. 28 ; and 

a The repulse referred to took Prynne's Brief Narrative. 



The Speaker disobeys the House. 233 

Newdigate demanding of the counsel for the Commonwealth 1660 
what they had to say why it should not be granted, the 
counsel answered, they had nothing to say against it. 
Whereupon the judg, tho no enemy to monarchy, yet 
ashamed to see them so unfaithful to their trust, replied 
that if they had nothing to say, he had ; for that Sir Robert 
Pye being committed by an order of the Parliament, an 
inferior Court could not discharge him l . 

The House having agreed to all things necessary for 
issuing out writs to elect members for filling up the 
Parliament, ordered a warrant to be signed by the Speaker, 
whereby the Commissioners of the Seal should be authorized Feb. 20. 
to send out writs according to custom ; but he refused to 
do it, pretending that if he should sign any warrant to that 
purpose, he might be sued at law by every individual 
person in whose room any other should be elected, and 
therefore desired that the House would pass an Act to 
enable their clerk to sign the warrant ; or that the Com- 
missioners of the Seal might issue out their writs of 
summons upon a general act to be passed to that end. 
It was answered, that the duty of his place obliged him to 
perform the commands of the House ; that having received 
their order in that affair, he was thereby fully indemnified, 
and that he signed not the warrant in his personal, but in 
his politick capacity. But he would receive no satisfaction, 
persisting positively in his refusal, and submitting himself 
to their pleasure, if they should think fit to send him to 
the Tower, or to choose another person to be Speaker in his 
place. Whereupon the House condescended to pass an 
Act to impower the clerk to sign the warrant to the 
Commissioners of the Seal : tho for my own part, I was for 
taking the Speaker at his word, and placing another person 
in the chair : and instead of sending Mr. Lenthal to the 

1 Sir Robert Pye was imprisoned order of Feb. 21, and the vote for his 

for presenting the Berkshire petition committal erased by order of March 2. 

for the readmission of the Secluded C. J. vii. 823, 847, 859 ; Mercurius 

Members, Jan. 25, 1660, discharged Politicus, p. 1054. 
on their return to their places by 



234 Ludlow cannot get a hearing. 

1660 Tower, to have adjourned our selves thither ; but I could 
prevail with few to be of my opinion *. This business 
being thus passed, and my doubts increasing touching the 
event of these things, I earnestly desired the House, that 
I might either be presently heard concerning the affairs of 
Ireland, and my own conduct there, or that a short day 
might be appointed when they would hear me without any 
farther delay, alledging for the reason of my importunity, 
that tho my enemies in that country had by their late 
actions manifested to all the world that their enmity to 
the Parliament was much greater than to me ; yet being 
uncertain what sort of men might soon have the principal 
influence in that House, I could not believe they would 
think it convenient that a charge of high treason, how 
frivolous soever, should be transmitted to them against 
one of their old and faithful servants. Mr. Thomas Scot 
thinking my discourse to reflect upon his son, who had 
commanded the forces before Duncannon, addressed himself 
to the Speaker, and said : that tho he would not undertake 
to answer for all who had opposed me in Ireland, yet he 
might affirm that one of them was their faithful servant. 
To which I replied, tho contrary to the order of the House, 
all things there also beginning to fall into confusion, that 
I could not positively say who that one was that the 
gentleman who spoke last meant, but should suppose he 
intended his son, whom I assured them they could not 
think to be such a person as he had represented him, 
unless they esteemed the insurrection of Sir George Booth 
to have been for their service, he having attempted to 
justify the lawfulness of it in my presence. Upon this 

1 The Act concerning elections of writes Pepys on that date, ' how the 

members to serve in Parliament Speaker Lenthall do refuse to sign 

passed its third reading on Saturday, the writs for new members in the 

Feb. 18, 1660. C. J. vii. ; Old Par- place of the excluded; and by that 

liamentary History, xxii. 131. On means the writs could not go out to 

Monday the aoth the journals are day.' The form of the writs is 

a blank. Lenthall's refusal to sign printed in the Publick Intelligencer, 

the writs must have taken place p. 1124. 
on Feb. 20. ' They told me,' 



Re-entry of the Secluded Members. 235 

dispute, the Speaker presuming he should be well seconded, 1660 
ventured to discover his malice also against me, reminding 
the House of an order they had made for the surrender of 
Duncannon, to which he said he knew not that any 
obedience had been yielded : and therefore thought it 
necessary the House should be assured of that before any 
order were made upon my motion. In this disorder and 
confusion the House rose about six in the evening. 

The Council of State sat late that night, and received 
advice that the Secluded Members designed to force them- 
selves into the House the next morning : thereupon they 
sent a message to Monk to acquaint him with the in- 
formation they had, and required him to prevent it if it 
should be attempted. He returned for answer to the 
Council, that he was well assured no such thing was 
designed ; but for their satisfaction, and to hinder it if 
endeavoured, he would not fail to double the guards that 
were to attend the Parliament. But for all this the 
Secluded Members, attended by divers of Monk's officers, Feb. 21. 
went early the next morning to Westminster, and were 
admitted into the House by the guard he had placed there, 
who were more ready to defend than oppose them 1 ; and 
Monk having thus violated his promises, and abused the 
trust reposed in him by the publick, took up his quarters 
again at Whitehall the same morning. Being inform'd of 
these transactions, I resolved for my own part to give 
no countenance to the Secluded Members by sitting with 
them who had no right to any place in Parliament, having 

1 Pepys saw the re-entry of the their coming in. Mr. Prynne came 

Secluded Members. 'They came to the in with an old baskethilt sword on, 

House and went in one after another, and had a great many shouts at his 

and at last the Speaker came. But going into the Hall.' ' As he went 

it is very strange this could be carried into the House,' says Aubrey, ' W. 

so private, that the other members Prynne's long sword got between 

of the House heard nothing of all Sir W. Waller's short legs and threw 

this, till they found them in the him down, which caused laughter.'. 

House, insomuch that the soldiers Letters from the Bodleian ii. 509. 

that stood there to let in the Secluded On the readmission see also Gumble, 

Members, they took for such as they Life of Monk, p. 26. 
had ordered to stand there to hinder 



236 Ludlow ceases to attend Parliament. 

1660 been expelled the House by more than a quorum of lawful 
members. But that notice might be taken that I had not 
withdrawn my self from the service of the publick, nor was 
at the head of any forces, as was given out, I thought 
convenient to pass sometimes through Westminster-Hall ; 
where Mr. George Montague, who knew I declined to 
come to the House, meeting me, and asking me the reason 
of it, I answered, that having done as much as I could to 
serve the Commonwealth, and seeing an impossibility of 
contending against the present torrent, I had resolved to 
absent my self from the place where the Parliament used 
to meet, that I might publickly disown the authority of 
those who had violently possessed themselves of the House, 
and not seem to consent to the confusions they were 
bringing upon us. He replied, that in his opinion the 
conditions upon which the Secluded Members had entred 
the House were more dishonourable than those upon which 
others were gone out, and that he was not willing to sit 
among them, they having engaged to make Monk General 
of all the forces by sea and land, to settle a constant 
maintenance for the army, to appoint a new Parliament to 
be chosen ; and when these things were dispatched, to put 
a period to themselves within a day or two at the most 1 , 
Yet some of the lawful members of Parliament, either 
through fear or curiosity," or some other motive not known 
to me, went into the house and sat amongst them. Another 
part of them, being about seventeen in number, whereof 
divers were of the Council of State, went to Monk to be 
informed from his own mouth of the reasons of these 
procedings. He received them with no less civility than 
formerly ; and having understood from them the occasion 
of their coming, he made as solemn protestations of his 

1 The terms of Monk's agreement officers and the Secluded Members, 
with the Secluded Members are given and prints the circular letter of the 
by Price, p. 772. His speech and officers to the regiments and gar- 
declaration to them is printed in the risons in the three kingdoms (Baker, 
Old Parliamentary History, xxii. 140; p. 710) ; cf. Clarendon S. P. iii. 667, 
Somer Tracts, vi. 551. Phillips adds 688; Guizot, Richard Cromwell, ii. 
details on the conference between the 360. 



Proceedings of the Secluded Members. 237 

zeal to a Commonwealth-government as he had ever 1660 
done, desiring them to believe that the permission he had 
given to the Secluded Members to enter the House, was 
only to free himself from their importunity, and that he 
would take effectual care to prevent them from doing any 
hurt in that place. But these gentlemen having resolved 
to try him to the utmost, demanded farther if he would 
join with them against Charles Stuart and his party: in 
answer to which he applied himself to Sir Arthur Haslerig, 
who was one of them, and said, ' Sir Arthur, I have often 
declared to you my resolution so to do : ' then taking off 
his glove, and putting his hand within Sir Arthur's, he 
added ; ' I do here protest to you in the presence of all 
these gentlemen, that I will oppose to the utmost the 
setting up of Charles Stuart, a single person, or a House of 
Peers.' After this he began to expostulate with them 
touching their suspicions, saying ; ' What is it that I have 
done in bringing these members into the House ? Are 
they not the same that brought the King to the block? 
tho others cut off his head, and that justly.' 

The Secluded Members having forced themselves into 
the House, took upon them the authority of a Parliament, 
making votes and enacting laws as they pleased, which 
power they had hitherto constantly denied to be in 
a House of Commons alone : but we must believe the 
case to have been much altered upon their return ; and 
that a House of Commons alone, without a King or House 
of Peers, might do any thing for betraying the publick 
cause, tho it could not have any colour of authority to 
justify them in doing the least thing for the security of it. 
In pursuance of these principles, they passed an act to 
make Monk General of all the forces belonging to the 
Parliament in England, Scotland and Ireland, both by Feb. 25. 
sea and land, only they joined Col. Montague with him 
in the office of Admiral ; which tho Monk resented as 
a violation of the treaty he had made with the Secluded 
Members, yet he thought not convenient to insist upon the 
alteration of that particular. They continued the customs 



238 Monk's military changes. 

1660 and excise, and laid other taxes on the people, borrowing 
great sums of the city of London on the credit of their acts. 
Monk took away Col. Walton's regiment of horse, and 
gave it to Col. Howard ; and having made choice of two 
hundred horse for his own guard, he appointed Col. Philip 
Feb. 26. Howard to command them 1 . He disposed of Col. Rich's 
regiment to Col. Ingoldsby ; but before the order could be 
put in execution, Col. Rich hoping he might prevail with 
his men, as he had done formerly, to declare for the 
lawful authority, he went down to the quarters where they 
lay. At his arrival most of them promised to remain 
faithful to him ; but when Col. Ingoldsby came down, 
partly by his own interest among them, they having been 
under his command in the time of Cromwel, and partly by 
the torrent of the usurped authority, which then ran that 
way, he prevailed with the greatest part of them to desert 
their colonel ; who finding himself abandoned by most of 
them, yielded the rest to him, and declared his resolution 
to acquiesce. Capt. Walcot, who had been an officer in 
my regiment, and by me preferred to be captain of a troop 
of horse when I sent our brigade into England, having 
gained an interest in the officers and souldiers by his good 
conduct, and supposing to find amongst them the same 
affection to the good old cause they had always manifested 
since their arrival in England, went towards Chester, where 
they were quartered ; and being arrived within twelve 
miles of that place, he sent a letter to Major Woodward, of 
whose fidelity to the Parliament he thought himself sure, 
to acquaint him with his resolution of going to them 2 . 
But so great a change had the late turn wrought in men's 

1 Walton's regiment of horse was see Baker, 712, and the Publick Intel- 

originally Desborough's, had been ligencer, Feb. 29, p. 1132. 

given in Dec. 1659 on the restora- 2 Thomas Walcot had served as 

tion of the Parliament to Morley, and a lieutenant in Col. Stubber's regiment 

then when Morley was made Lieu- in Cromwell's Irish army in 1649, 

tenant of the Tower to Walton. and had acquired estates in Ireland. 

Monk gave it to Charles Howard He had been ' very instrumental ' in 

of Naworth, whom he also made the work of gaining over the Irish 

governor of Carlisle; Baker, p. 713. brigade to act against Lambert. Cal. 

On Rich's supersession by Ingoldsby, S. P., Dom., 1659-60, pp. 294, 575. 



The new Council of State. 239 

minds, that the major gave Capt. Walcot's letter to Col. 1660 
Redman, who by Monk's order then commanded our Irish 
Brigade \ and who immediately dispatched a party of 
horse to seize the captain ; which having done in obedience 
to the order they had received, rather than from any 
inclination to such an imploiment, they gave him an 
opportunity to make his escape. Capt. Walcot coming 
afterwards to London, went to Monk, and having delivered 
his opinion freely touching the publick affairs, and the 
usage he had lately met with, Monk fell into a violent 
passion against him ; but soon recollecting himself, he 
treated him in a more civil manner, and gave him a pass- 
port to return into Ireland, where his family and estate lay, May 1 2. 
supposing thereby to render him less able to assist his 
enemies than if he should continue in England. 

The Secluded Members having forbidden the council to Feb. 21. 
sit, chose one to supply their place, which was composed of Feb. 23. 
Mr. Denzil Holies, Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Mr. Crew, 
Mr. Swinfen, Sir Willian Lewis, Sir William Waller, 
Col. John Birch, Col. George Monk, Sir Anthony Ashley 
Cooper, Col. Norton, Mr. Knightly, Col. Herbert Morley, 
Sir Harbottle Grimestone, Mr. Arthur Annesley, Sir 
Richard Onslow, Chief Justice St. Johns, Serjeant Brown, 
Col. Brown, &c. This new council was vested with large 
powers of imprisoning such as they suspected, and doing 
other things sutable to the designs then on foot. Sir 
Hardress Waller obtained of them, by means of his kinsman 
Sir William Waller, a permission to come over to England, 
and to be brought before them 2 ; where having subscribed 
an engagement to acquiesce, and to appear upon sum- 
mons, he was discharged from custody. But Sir Charles 
Coot, who was well acquainted with the bottom of Monk's 
design, and conscious to himself how much he had 

1 Danie Redman, who about Feb. 2 Waller had been for some time 

1660 had pledged himself to the imprisoned by Coote in the Castle of 

King's Cause. Life of John Barwick, Athlone. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659-60, 

pp. 161, 187, 223, 231, 496 ; Cal. p. 398. 
S. P., Dom., 1659-60, p. 294. 



240 



A test imposed on the officers. 



1660 exasperated the King's friends in Ireland by his constant 
opposition to them, having added to all the rest the 
execution of one Stuart, that was related to the royal 
family, thought he could never do things horrid enough to 
those of his own party, in order to reconcile himself to the 
other : therefore that he might give them what assurances 
he could that he was wicked enough to be imployed and 
trusted by them, he sent a party of horse and seized the 
Chief Justice Coke, to make some amends to his sacred 
majesty by that sacrifice. The grand design of destroying 
the Commonwealth being so far advanced, Monk caused 
a declaration to be drawn in the name of the officers 
about London, and recommended to the rest of the officers 
in the three nations, declaring it to be their duty and 
April 9. resolution to submit to the authority that was over them, 
and to obey such orders as they should receive from them l : 

officers at St. James' the next day, in 
which Okey set forth their fears of 
a Restoration, and argued for the 
acceptance of the proposed ex- 
pedient. But the general refused, 
and insisted on their leaving the 
matter to Parliament, telling them 
'he brought them not out of Scotland 
for his or the Parliament's council ; 
that for his part he should obey the 
Parliament, and expected they should 
do the same.' On the night of 
March 8, a conference took place 
between 10 officers and 10 leading 
members of Parliament, and the 
officers were temporarily satisfied by 
their assurances, and abandoned the 
proposed declaration. On March 9, 
Monk followed up his victory by 
ordering all officers to repair to their 
respective commands. Baker, p. 716 ; 
Clarendon S. P. iii. 695 ; Mercurius 
Politicus, March 8-15. Ludlow con- 
fuses this proposed declaration with 
the later declaration and engagement 
framed byClarges, presented to Monk 
on April 9, and published April n. 
Baker, p. 719; Clarendon S.P.iii.7i5, 
728 ; Mercurius Politicus, April 5-12. 



1 Ludlow's account of the move- 
ment amongst Monk's officers con- 
fuses several distinct incidents. On 
Feb. 21, Monk and his officers drew 
up a circular letter to be sent to all 
the regiments in the three kingdoms 
explaining their readmission of the 
Secluded Members and protesting 
their adherence to a republic. ' Since 
the providence of God hath made us 
free at the cost of so much blood, 
we hope we shall never be found so 
unfaithful to God and his people as 
to lose so glorious a cause ; but we 
do resolve with the assistance of God 
to adhere to you in the continuing 
of our dear-purchased liberties both 
spiritual and civil.' Baker, p. 710. 
In March the excitement amongst 
the officers grew so great that they 
held a meeting, and drew up a 
declaration which was brought to 
Monk to sign. It pledged Monk and 
his army to declare for a free 
Commonwealth, and against all that 
should attempt the setting up of 
a single person, and was to be sent 
to the Parliament for its adhesion. 
Monk called a great meeting of 



Lambert sent to the Tower. 241 

which when they were upbraided with, as a thing contrived l66 
to betray the publick cause, many of the officers shewed 
themselves so sensible of the consequences of it, that they 
earnestly pressed that a council of war might be called ; 
making use of some reasons to perswade their general to Mar. 6, 7. 
it, but indeed to unite themselves to each other, and 
in a publick manner to express their resolutions to lay 
down their lives for the Commonwealth. But Monk being 
informed of their design, dispersed them to their respective March 9. 
commands, to which they tamely submitted, notwithstanding 
the big words they had spoken without doors. Hereupon 
the Secluded Members suspecting Sir Arthur Haslerig to March 6. 
have had a principal hand in raising this spirit in the 
officers of the army, sent to him to take his place in the 
House where the Parliament ought to sit, which to that 
time he had not done. Sir Arthur finding it impossible 
to resist the stream, being accompanied with divers mem- 
bers, went in to them ; where, as I have been informed March 7. 
by some that were then present, he did not behave himself 
with that courage and resolution that usually attended 
him, but pleaded in his excuse the reverence he always 
had for the authority of Parliaments, and endeavoured to 
justify himself touching any violations that had been made 
against it, assuring them of his intention to acquiesce under 
the present power. Major-General Lambert also, who had 
hitherto concealed himself in hopes of finding an opportunity 
to appear at the head of some party, and thereby to 
prevent the design of Monk, finding that the army had for 
the most part submitted to the authority of the Secluded 
Members, surrendred himself to the new Council of State, 
in hopes of better terms from them than he could have 
promised himself from the former, who he thought would 
have been more likely to resent the force he had put upon 
the Parliament : but they contrary to his expectations March 5. 
requiring him to give security for his quiet deportmentj 
upon his refusal so to do, committed him to the Tower 1 . 

1 A proclamation callingon Lambert Feb. 13. An account of Lambert's 
to surrender bad been issued on interview with the Council of State, 
VOL. II. R 



242 Ludlow's last hope. 

1660 Most of the Commonwealth-Party were very sensible of 
the dangerous condition of their affairs ; and that they 
might not be altogether wanting to their own preservation, 
and to the service of the publick, some of the principal 
persons among them had divers meetings ; at one of which 
I took the liberty to make the following propositions : 
That seven of the Council of State, and three of the Generals 
that had been appointed by the Parliament, should sign 
such orders as were necessary for putting our design in 
execution : That the regiment of Col. Moss which lay in 
Kent and not far from London 1 , and another which lay in 
the borough of Southwark commanded by Lieut. -Col. 
Farnly 2 , consisting in all of more than 2000 old souldiers, of 
whose integrity and affection we had good assurance, 
should be ordered to march to the Tower to join with Col. 
Morley's regiment which was already there, and would be 
ready to receive them, having sent to me to let me know 
that the Tower should be at my command whensoever 
I pleased to desire it : That the commanders of these forces 
should take with them provisions for six months, giving 
tickets for the quantity so taken payable by the Parliament 
of England : That the militia of London which had been 
listed during the government of the Parliament, should be 
authorized to meet as there should be occasion, to assist 
the forces in the Tower: That four or five places of 

his speech, his refusal to give security some regiments for the lessening the 
for ^"20,000 as they demanded, and his charge of the nation, Col Moss's 
consequentcommittal to the Tower, regiment being commanded to march 
was laid before the Parliament on to Kennington Common and there 
March 6, by Mr. Annesley. Old disband, did willingly submit them- 
Parliamentary History, xxii. 151. selves and received their full arrears 
On March 15 power was given to for all their former services on the 
the Council to discharge Lambert on place.' But see Baker, p. 702. Fagg's 
parole or security as they should regiment was quartered in South- 
think fit. wark. 

1 Moss's regiment seems to have 2 Lieut.-Col. William Farley ap- 
been suspected by Monk. Im- pears to be meant. He was im- 
mediately after Lambert's escape prisoned at the Restoration ; see Cal. 
from the Tower the Public Intel- S. P., Dom., 1660-1, p. 579 ; 1661-2, 
ligencer of April 21 records that p. 6. 
' there being a necessity to reduce 



How to organise a military revolt. 243 

rendezvouz should be appointed for the forces of the army 1660 
that lay scattered up and down in several parts of the 
nation ; and that officers should be agreed upon to appear 
at the head of them : That the souldiers both horse and 
foot should have the liberty either to follow their old 
officers, or to appoint new : That those officers who should 
prevail with the major part of their men to follow them 
should continue in their respective posts ; and that those 
that appeared heartily to promote this design, tho they 
could not perswade the greater part of their souldiers to 
follow them, should have provision made for them equal to 
their merits : That the country-militia both horse and foot 
should be authorized to draw together, and be impowered 
to seize and disarm such persons in the respective counties 
as were known enemies to the Commonwealth : That the 
fleet should be ordered to declare at the same time, and to 
send one or two thousand seamen to the assistance of 
those in the Tower, which I conceived they might do with- 
out danger to the nation, because the enemy we were 
to contend with was intestine, and not from abroad. 
I acquainted them that Vice-Admiral Lawson who com- 
manded the fleet had declared his resolution to continue 
faithful to the Parliament, which could not well be doubted 
by any that would reflect upon his former conduct, he 
having taken the oath for abjuring the King's family, and 
being one of the Council of State *. To this was added, 
that all persons who should act by the Parliament's 
authority in this service, should be justified in so doing ; 
that the governours of garisons should be required to 
refuse obedience to any power which was not derived from 

1 Lawson had been personally and the fleet was entrusted to the 

thanked by Parliament on Jan. 9, joint command of Monck and 

elected one of the new Council of Montague (March 2). The Restora- 

State on Jan. 2, and voted a reward of tion Parliament repudiated the vote 

^Sooayear inland on Jan. 21. C.J.vii. of ^500 a year to Lawson Dec. 18, 

799,801,806,818. After the return 1660. C. J. viii. 214; Old Parlia- 

of the Secluded Members however, mentary History, xxiii. 56. A royalist 

though confirmed in the dignity of view of his character is given in 

Vice-Admiral, he was not elected to Clarendon State Papers, iii. 637. 
the new Council of State (Feb. 23), 

R a 



244 Monk entertained by the City. 

1660 the lawful authority of the Parliament, whose place the 
Secluded Members had now usurped ; and that a declaration 
should be forthwith prepared to shew the grounds and 
reasons, together with the necessity of these proceedings. 
Some of those that were present promised to advise with 
their friends of the Council of State, and hoped that 
a quorum of them as well as of the Generals might be 
found to put the things in execution that should be agreed 
on. But we being ripe for the correction of heaven, 
nothing could prevent it, our enemies succeeding in all 
their attempts, and all our endeavours proving abortive. 
In the .mean time the Companies of London made a great 
entertainment for Monk \ where the bargain they had 
driven with him was ratified and confirmed by dissolute 
and unbecoming debauchery ; for it was his custom not to 
depart from those publick meetings till he was as drunk as 
a beast. After dinner a person was introduc'd, who in 
verse addressed himself to Monk for the return of the 
King, which he heard without reproof, tho at the same time 
he protested to Col. Okey, who went to take leave of him 
in order to repair to his command, and desir'd to be 
satisfied of his intentions touching Charles Stuart, ' that he 
would oppose him to the utmost,' and gave him his hand 
before all the officers then present, as a pledg of his 
sincerity. 

The Secluded Members being convinced that the sword 
was likely to prove the best title they should find to their 
authority, prepared an act to settle the Militia in such 
hands as they might safely trust, and took into their 
consideration how to settle the sum of one thousand 

1 On these festivities see Price, heretofore they had given him, he 

p. 796. The newspapers state that on was pleased to desire a forbearance 

Feb. 28 Monk dined at Grocers'-Hall, of the like invitations for the time to 

on March 6 with the Mercers, on come, as not agreeable to the db- 

March 13 with the Clothworkers, temper of the times, and the season 

on March 28 with the Drapers, on which the Church of England hath 

April 4 with the Skinners, on April heretofore appropriated to abstinence 

12 with the Vintners. On the last and humility rather than to triumphs 

occasion,' having thanked the City for or entertainments." The Weekly 

the honourable entertainment which Intelligencer, April 10-17. 



Monk's rewards. 245 

pounds a year upon Monk, which had been voted to be given 1660 
him by the Parliament. The thing in dispute was, whether 
the said settlement should be secured to him out of the 
King's lands at Hampton-Court, as he himself had desired 
of the Parliament, that he might lay them more profoundly 
asleep, or whether a sum of ready money should be paid to 
him in lieu of it. Divers of the members of Parliament Feb. 25. 
were for making good their former order upon Hampton- 
Court ; and several of the Secluded Members hating the 
traitor, tho they accepted the treason, concurred with them, 
that so the grant might be rendred useless to him. But 
his party amongst them was so great, that tho it was 
carried to be out of the lands at Hampton Court, yet in March 15. 
conclusion they obtained a vote that twenty thousand 
pounds should be paid to him out of the publick treasury 
instead of it. 

The Irish Officers also, who had assumed the civil as 
well as the military power, presented him with a pair of 
spurs and a hilt for a sword, all of gold ; together with 
a rich hatband and an embroidered belt, to manifest their 
acknowledgment and acceptance of his good service in 
betraying the publick cause. The Lord of Lauderdale, with 
other Scots who had been taken prisoners at the battle of 
Worcester, and continued in custody from that time, was March 3. 
set at liberty; and the Secluded Members gave order also 
to discharge Sir George Booth from his imprisonment, if Feb. 22. 
he would engage to make his appearance upon summons ; 
which he thinking to be injurious to him, who had 
endeavoured to do no more than they themselves were 
attempting, refused the condition, but was soon after 
released without entring into any obligation. 

The new Council of State being informed of some 
designs against the usurped power, issued out warrants for 
apprehending divers officers of the army; and having 
some jealousy of others that were members of Parlia- Feb. 27. 
ment, they procured an order of their House to authorize 
them to seize any member who had not sate since the 
coming in of the Secluded Members, if there should be 



246 Overt on surrenders Hull. 

1660 occasion. And tho these men could thus trample upon 
the privileges of that body, whereof they pretended to 
March 5. be members ; yet to shew how zealous they were for Pres- 
bytery, they ordered copies of the Covenant to be fairly 
drawn, and hung up in every parish church throughout 
England. 

The Lords perceiving which way things were turning, 
solicited Monk that they might take their places according 
to ancient custom in the House appointed for their sitting, 
alledging that nothing done by the Commons without their 
assent could justly be esteemed legal. But it was not yet 
time for Monk to discover himself so openly, before the 
army was better prepared, and the new militia settled : 
and therefore he not only gave a positive denial to their 
demand, but placed a guard of soldiers upon their House, 
to prevent the Lords from acting the same part that the 
secluded Commons had done 1 . 

Major-General Overton still continued in his Govern- 
ment of Hull, and suspecting Monk to be an enemy to the 
Commonwealth, had hitherto refused to yield obedience to 
his orders. Whereupon the Secluded Members being well 
informed of the importance of the place from the time 
they had ordered it to be kept by Sir John Hotham against 
the late King, impowered Monk to use all means to 
March 4. remove the Major-General from that command. Monk in 
pursuance of their directions, prevailed with Col. Alured, 
who was one of the Generals appointed by the Parliament, 
to go down to Hull, and to endeavour to perswade Major- 
March 7. General Overton to quit the place. Accordingly he went 
March 10. down, and having acquainted the Major-General with the 
reason of his journey, was presently put into the possession 
of it. It was matter of wonder to me that Col. Alured, in 
whom the Commonwealth party had reposed so great 
trust, would suffer himseif to be imployed in such 
a message to one of the most faithful servants of the 
Parliament. But I was somewhat more satisfied when 

1 On Monk's negotiations with 2 On Monk's dealings with Over- 

the Lords see Baker, p. 714. ton see Price, p. 778; Baker, p. 713. 



Preparations for a New Parliament. 247 

Major-General Overton came to London, where he assured 1660 
me that Col. Alured had neither said nor done at Hull March 18. 
any thing unbecoming an honest man ; but that upon the 
news of the intrusion of the Secluded Members, the Cavalier 
party in the town had so increased, and his own soldiers 
split into such divisions, that he had no hopes left of 
keeping it. 

At this time it was disputed whether the Secluded 
Members should agree upon a settlement, or whether it 
should be left for a Parliament to do : some were for 
calling in the Lords who sate in the year 1648, that they, 
together with the Commons, might enter into treaty with 
the King for a future establishment, which should be 
grounded chiefly upon the concessions made by the last 
King in the Isle of Wight. But Monk being earnestly 
desirous to bring back the King without any conditions, in 
hopes thereby to procure a recompence equal to the 
greatness of his treachery, prevented the success of that 
proposition ; which part he acted so openly, that divers of 
the secluded and other members of Parliament resolved to 
imitate him : and tho all of them had engaged the nation 
in a war against the King, had contributed the utmost of 
their endeavours to carry it on, and called in the Scotish 
nation to assist them in it ; yet upon a debate whether 
those of the King's party should be admitted to elect 
members for the succeeding Parliament, it was, to the March 13. 
astonishment of all men but themselves, carried for the 
affirmative. Having done this, they ordered writs to be 
issued out in the name of the Keepers of the Liberties of 
England, excluding such from being chosen who had 
served the King, which was contrived to lead the people 
blindfold to their own ruin, and to put some colour upon 
the cheat they were about to impose on them. For they 
knew that having given leave for the Cavaliers to choose, 
and by every step they had taken manifested their malice 
against the Commonwealth, it would certainly come to 
pass, that either the sons of those of the King's party, or 
at least such as had privately favoured that interest, would 



248 The Militia Act. 

1660 for the most part be chosen in that conjuncture, when the 
Commonwealth party were under the greatest discourage- 
ments, and could not appear with safety under the usurped 
authority. They understood also that tho it should happen 
contrary to the exclusion before-mentioned, that those 
who had been actually in arms for the King should be 
chosen and returned to sit in the House, yet we were not 
likely to procure them to be ejected at such a time as 
this ; having not been able, without the greatest difficulty, 
to cast out, even from Richard's Convention, those that had 
been in arms against us. 

The secluded members not thinking themselves secure, 
till they had put the militia into the hands of such as were 
March 12. enemies to the Commonwealth, passed an Act to that 
purpose, and ordered it to be printed and published : 
whereat the officers about Monk were so offended, that 
tho they had lost all affection to the publick cause, yet 
suspecting that the forming such a militia, and intrusting 
it in the hands of commissioners that were known to be 
favourers of the King's party, might prove injurious, if not 
destructive to the army, by bringing in the son of the late 
King without them, they applied themselves to Monk, and 
earnestly desired that in consideration of his own and their 
danger, he would prevent the execution of the said Act. 
Whereupon he sent a letter to the pretended Parliament, 
to let them know, that being informed of the disaffection 
of the commissioners nominated in the Act they had passed 
touching the Militia, he desired them to forbear the 
execution of it, lest the persons they had intrusted therein 
might erect such a power in opposition to the army, as 
might be sufficient to bring in Charles Stuart. The letter 
being read in the House, caused a great perplexity amongst 
them, many not knowing what judgment to make of it, 
and some of them fearing that Monk would deceive them 
at last. But others understood him well enough; and 
therefore, notwithstanding his letter, Mr. Prynn went to 
the printer, and procured the Act to be immediately made 
publick, knowing it to be the desire of Monk that it should 



Monks feigned opposition. 249 

be so l . Yet that they might correspond with him in his 1660 
deceit, they sent Sir William Waller and one more to 
give him satisfaction concerning the particulars of the Act, 
which he pretended to scruple. They acquainted him, 
that tho there were many persons nominated in the Act, 
who might be willing to do as was suspected, yet that by 
it none were permitted to act as commissioners, but such 
as should own the justice of the Parliament's cause against 
the King to the year 1648, by subscribing a paper to that 
purpose. They also informed him that the said com- 
missioners were not to appoint any colonels or captains to 
act in the militia, before they should be approved by the 
Council of State. Monk, being willing to receive satisfac- 
tion, having sent the forementioned letter only at the 
importunity of the officers, resolved to be contented with 
this answer; tho all men saw how little conscience the 
Cavalier party made of signing any paper, in order to 
promote the interest of their faction. 

The Act for the Militia being passed, the command of 
all the forces and garisons settled on Monk, and the fleet 
in his power in conjunction with Col, Montague, the pre- 
tended Parliament authorized their Council of State to March 15. 
provide for the publick safety on all emergencies, and to 
dispose affairs as they should think fit till the meeting 
of the next Parliament. Which being done, and the House 
ready to pass the Act for their dissolution, Mr. Crew who 
had been as forward as any man in beginning and carrying 
on the war against the last King 2 , moved, that before they 
dissolved themselves, they would bear their witness against 
the horrid murder, as he called it, of the King. This 
unexpected motion prevailed with many then present to 
deny their concurrence to that act against the King, tho 

1 An abridgement of the Militia one of the members expelled by 
Act is printed in Cal. S. P., Dom., Pride's Purge, and of the Council of 
1659-60, pp. 390, 394 ; cf. Clarendon State elected Feb. 23, 1660. Created 
S. P. iii. 696 ; Guizot, Richard Baron Crew of Stene in North- 
Cromwell, ii. 386. amptonshire at the coronation of 

a John Crew (1598-1679), member Charles II. 
for Brackley in the Long Parliament, 



250 The dissolution of the Long Parliament. 

1660 not to reflect in the same manner on those who had been 
concerned in it : and one of them concluding his discourse 
with protesting that he had neither hand nor heart in that 
affair, Mr. Thomas Scot, who had been so much deluded 
by the hypocrisy of Monk, as I have already related, in 
abhorrence of that base spirit, said, ' That tho he knew not 
where to hide his head at that time, yet he durst not refuse 
to own, that not only his hand, but his heart also was in it : ' 
and after he had produced divers reasons to prove the 
justice of it, he concluded, ' that he should desire no greater 
honour in this world, than that the following inscription 
might be engraved on his tomb ; " Here lieth one who had 
a hand and a heart in the execution of Charles Stuart late 
King of England V ' Having said this, he and most of the 
members who had a right to sit in Parliament, withdrew 
from the House ; so that there was not the fourth part 
of a quorum of lawful members present in the House, 
when the Secluded Members, who had been voted out of 
March 16. the Parliament by those that had an undisputed authority 
over their own members, undertook to dissolve the Parlia- 
ment, which was not to be done, unless by their own 
consent ; and whether that consent was ever given, is 
submitted to the judgment of all impartial men. This 
face of authority being vanished after a full discovery of 

1 On Scot's declaration see Lud- members of the House to stand up 

low's subsequent account of his trial and declare that they were in no 

in Oct. 1660, and the Trial of the way guilty, and did from their souls 

Regicides, p. 87. Hyde, in a letter to abhor the horrid and odious murder 

Sir Henry Bennett, gives a different of the last King, and did detest the 

account of the incident. ' There was authors of it. Upon which Scot 

another signal passage likewise before again stood up, and said ' that he 

the dissolution : upon the reading the indeed, and some others, had cut off 

instructions to the Council of State the King's head, but that the other 

during the interval of Parliament . . . gentlemen had brought him to the 

there is one which gives them block; which put the rest into so 

authority to send agents or ambas- much passion that they would call 

sadors to foreign princes, whereupon him to the bar, but after some heat 

Scot stood up and desired that there declined it saying, he should answer 

might be an exception that they it at another bar. 1 Clarendon S. P. 

should not send to Charles Stuart, iii. 725. 
which gave occasion to many 



Haselrig despairs of the Republic. 251 

the malignity of their intentions, I supposed the cruelty 1660 
of their Council of State would not fail to increase with 
their fears ; and therefore, tho I continued to pass some 
times thro Westminster Hall, that they might see I was 
not withdrawn ; yet I did it not so frequently and publickly 
as I had done, changing my lodging from the house of one 
friend to that of another ; and when I lay at my own 
house, taking the best care I could to secure my self from 
being surprized. 

In the mean time a considerable party of those who had 
been engaged against the King, resolved to raise a sum 
of money to pay such troops as should be willing to 
draw together against Monk and his partizans, and that 
two of their number should be bound for the peaceable 
deportment of Major-General Lambert in the penal sum 
of five thousand pounds, so much being demanded by the 
Council of State ; which bond, if it should come to be 
forfeited, and the persons bound constrained to pay the 
mony. it was agreed that the said sum should be discharged 
out of the publick stock. Mr. Slingsby Bethel was imployed 
by the most eminent persons concerned in this design, to 
communicate their resolutions to Sir Arthur Haslerig 1 , 
whom he attended at his lodgings to that purpose, and 
found him in a most melancholy posture, sitting in a chair, 
and leaning his head upon both his hands. Mr. Bethel 
asked him the reason of his trouble ; and received for 
answer, that having been with Monk that morning, and 
pressing him to give him some assurance of his care of the 
Commonwealth, reminding him of his oaths and protesta- 
tions of fidelity to the cause, Monk had treated him in an 
unusual manner, and demanded how he could expect any 
thing from him, whom he had endeavoured to make less 
than he was before he marched to London ? Sir Arthur 

1 On Jan. 2, 1660, Bethel had in Switzerland. He was sheriff of 

been elected one of the members of London in 1680-1, and is satirized by 

the Council of State which was to act Dryden as ' Shimei, whose youth 

from Jan. i to April i, but was did early promise bring of zeal to 

superseded on Feb. ai. In 1662 God and hatred to his king.' For 

he was one of Ludlow's companions his life see D. N. B. iv. 425. 



252 Scot retires to the Country. 

1660 added to the rest of his discourse to Mr. Bethel, ' We are 
undone, We are undone V Thus he that had abandoned 
his old friends to support the interest of Monk, and would 
not be perswaded of the malignity of his designs, whereby 
he had lost many opportunities of recovering all, was 
at last deserted by him, and almost driven to despair. 
Mr. Scot also informed me that he had lost all hopes of 
getting such a number of our Council of State together, as 
should be necessary to put in execution the design which 
I had proposed ; and that, having notice that the new 
Council of State had resolved to seize his person, he 
designed to retire into the country, as well to secure him- 
self, as to endeavour to be elected into the ensuing 
Convention, which by the vote of the Secluded Members 
was to be called a Parliament. These things put me in 
further doubt of my own safety, and moved me to provide 
for my self as well as I could. To that end I seldom lay 
at my own house after Mr. Scot's departure from London ; 
and finding my self deprived of all means to serve the 
publick, and expecting the utmost extremities that malice 
could invent against those that had faithfully served their 
country, I resolved also to withdraw my self from the 

1 So far as Haselrig was personally in opposition to the present authority 

concerned he was secured by a settled by the Parliament in the 

promise from Monk, who intervened Council of State. Neither was I 

after the restoration to prevent him knowing in the least degree of the 

from being excluded in the Act of disturbance made by Lambert. I 

Indemnity; see Old Parliamentary have always acted with the authority 

History, xxii. 444, 447, 451, 452. of Parliament, and never against it, 

Haselrig feared for his life, and told and hold it my duty to submit to the 

an acquaintance that if Charles authority of the nation, and not to 

Stuart came in ' it was but three wry oppose it, and have hazarded my all 

months and a swing' for himself. to bring the military power under the 

Monk promised to save him for civil authority. I forgot to give you 

twopence, and Haselrig, when he the twopence; it is here enclosed, 

found himself under suspicion on and being secured by your Lordship's 

account of Lambert's insurrection, promise I hope to end the remainder 

claimed the fulfilment of the promise. of my days in peace and quiet.' 

' I beseech your Lordship,' he wrote Egerton MS. 2618, p. 71; cf. 

on April 30, 'to let the Council Clarendon State Papers, iii. 740; 

understand that I have neither Hist. MSS. Rep. v. p. 149 ; ii. 79 ; 

directly nor indirectly done anything Baker, p. 723. 



Ludlow leaves London. 253 

observation of the usurpers, and to go into the country. 1660 

In pursuance of this resolution I departed from London, 

accompanied by my wife in a small chariot drawn by two 

horses, having sent two servants before well mounted to 

attend me on the road, with a led horse for my self, if there 

should be occasion. The second day of my journey early 

in the morning we perceived one to ride very hard after us, 

who coming up to us, proved to be a person that waited on 

my mother, and was sent by our relations with letters to 

inform me of what had happened since our departure : that 

about an hour and half after we left London a messenger 

from the Council of State came to the house where I lodged, 

with an order requiring me to appear before them ; assuring 

my relations he had the like orders for summoning Mr. Miles 

Corbet, Col. John Jones and Col. Thomlinson, Commissioners 

of Parliament for the affairs of Ireland, to attend the said 

Council : that the messenger being earnest to know whither 

I was gone, that he might give the more certain account to 

those that sent him ; my sister Kempson, doubting they 

might send after me and seize me, had refused to answer 

that question ; and that my mother Oldsworth fearing my 

sister's refusal might increase the jealousy of the Council 

of State, and put them upon taking some extream measures 

against me, had prevailed with my father-in-law her husband 

to wait on the Council the next morning, and to inform 

them whither I was gone, and the cause of my removal 

from London. Having received this account, and soon 

concluding that the Council either had already, or would 

send speedily after me, I mounted my led horse, that 

I might be the better prepared to make my escape, if 

I should happen to be pursued ; and lest they should have 

waylaid me on the road, I divided my little company, 

directing my wife with the chariot and two servants to 

take the common road by Bagshot, whilst I with a groom 

crossed the Heath, and declined all publick roads : so that 

my wife and I met not, till towards the evening I perceived 

her coming by a private way, which it was necessary to 

pass before she could reach the house of my cousin Robert 



254 Ludlow in Wiltshire. 

1660 Wallop at Farley, where we had agreed to remain that 
night 1 . There we found Mr. Nicholas Love, who had been 
one of the late King's judges, and who arrived there just 
before us. Soon after our arrival, Mr. Wallop who had 
been at a manner called Husbands belonging to him, 
came home, and received us with his usual generosity and 
cordial affection, expressing no less zeal to the Common- 
wealth than when it was in its highest prosperity. And 
tho I acquainted him with the state of my affairs, and with 
the proceedings of the Council in relation to me. he earnestly 
desired me to continue at his house : but I thought it not 
decent so to do ; and therefore after two nights' stay I took 
leave of him, and went to Sutton, where I lay with as much 
privacy as I could, having discovered that the master of 
the inn had been one of the late King's guard, and 
passionately affected to the Cavalier interest. The next 
day I went to the house of my cousin William Ludlow 
at Clarendon, where I was informed that Mr. Bainton, 
whom I had promised to serve in the ensuing election, had 
desisted from his design, and that Sir Anthony Ashley 
Cooper and Mr. Earnly were likely to be chosen. How- 
ever to make good my promise, I sent a letter to him 
to let him know I was come into the country, and to offer 
him what service I could, if he persisted in his intentions 
to stand for the county of Wilts. Having dispatched this 
message, and doubting the Council of State might send to 
seize, or at least to summon me, I went privately from 
Clarendon to Salisbury, and took up my lodgings at the 
house of one Mr. Traughton, a minister of that city 2 ; 
where after I had been two or three days, I received 
a letter from my father Oldsworth, by which I understood 



1 Robert Wallop, 1601-1667, His relationship to Ludlow is not 

whose opposition to the government easy to trace. 

at the election of 1654 i s mentioned 2 William Troughton, minister of 

by Ludlow (i. 388). See also on St. Martin's Church, Salisbury, eject- 

him, 7th Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm. ed in 1662. See Wood's Athenae, 

p. 151; Rawdon Papers, p. 153; ed. 1721, ii. 966 ; Calamy, Noncon- 

Noble Lives of the Regicides, ii. 301. formists Memorial, ed. Palmer,iii. 373. 



He escapes being sent to the Tower. 255 

he had been with those of the Council of State, and having 1660 
informed them that the design of my journey into the 
country was in order to settle my affairs there, they seemed 
to be well satisfied. He acquainted me also that Mr. Miles 
Corbet, Col. John Jones, and Col. Thomlinson had attended 
the Council in obedience to their summons, and were not 
permitted to depart, till they had signed an engagement to 
give no disturbance to the present power. The consideration 
of this proceeding towards them made me set a higher value 
on my deliverance from their hands than I had hitherto 
done. For if I had not left the town when I did, the 
summons from the Council had been served upon me ; and 
if I had not appeared, it would have been taken as a con- 
tempt : but if I had appeared, they would undoubtedly have 
tendered me the like engagement to sign, which I could 
not have done anymore than that which was required from 
me by Cromwel, and so might have been imprisoned, and 
in all probability detained till the return of Charles 
Stuart. 

The time of the election drawing near, I sent a messenger 
to Mr. Balnton for his last resolution in that matter, who 
returned me this answer, ' That having had a meeting with 
the gentlemen of the country at the Devises, he had 
resolved not to put his friends to the trouble of appearing 
for him, judging it the best way rather to swim with the 
stream than to be borne down by it.' Being thus discharged 
of my engagement to Mr. Bainton, I went to Maiden 
Bradley, and held a court at Yardenfield, that I might 
raise what money I could amongst my tenants, by filling 
up estates and changing lives : which having dispatched, 
I went to my manner of Knoyle for the same end ; and 
being there, was much importuned by the inhabitants of 
the borough of Hinden, part of the said manner, to be one 
of their burgesses in the Assembly that was to meet at 
Westminster. Tho I durst not desire any to confer so great 
a trust on me, yet I confess it was no small contentment to 
me, that they would manifest their respects to my person, 
and their remembrance of my services, whatsoever they had 



256 The election for Hinden. 

1660 been, in such a conjuncture, when the Cavalier party, with 
what design may easily be conjectured, had printed the 
names of the late King's judges, of which number I had 
the honour to be one ; and when that interest was already 
become so prevalent, that the heir of the Lord Cottington, 
tho a Papist and an ideot, had found a party sufficient to 
put him into possession of Founthil House, which had been 
given by the Parliament to the Lord President Bradshaw, 
and to maintain him therein by open violence against the 
kinsman and heir of the said President. 

Having finished my private affairs as well as I could, 
I was willing to have it believed that I was gone to 
Salisbury, and therefore set forward on that way ; but 
to defeat, if possible, the malice of my enemies, I went not 
far before I quitted that road ; and having sent my chariot, 
wherein my wife was, to Salisbury, I mounted on horseback, 
and passing over the hills that lie towards Somersetshire, 
I went to the house of my brother Strangways at East- 
Charleton 1 , where I staid about four days as privately 
as I could, my horses being watered within the walls 
of the house, and the servants commanded to be silent 
concerning me. 

The time of election for the borough of Hinden being 
come, the persons in nomination were Mr. How of Berwick, 
Sir Thomas Thynne, and my self 2 . All agreed to chuse 
Mr. How, so that the dispute lay between Sir Thomas and 
me. The number of the electors was about twenty-six, of 
whom I had nineteen voices, and was thereupon declared 
by the bailiff to be elected with Mr. How to serve for that 
April 4. borough. The indentures were signed, and the writ returned 
to the sheriff according to custom. But the agents of Sir 
Thomas Thynne being unwilling to lose all their trouble 
and expence, and guessing upon probable grounds, that 
if they could bring the case before the next Assembly, 
they should certainly carry it against me, signed another 

1 Giles Strangways married Lud- a letter from William Thynne to Sir 
low's sister Margaret. James Thynne, Apr. a (1660), in the 

* On this election for Hinden see Appendix. 



Lambert escapes from the Tower. 257 

indenture for Mr. How and Sir Thomas Thynne, making 1660 
up in number what they wanted in quality, taking the 
subscriptions of the rabble, who not only paid nothing 
either to the state, church or poor, but also received the 
publick alms of the parish : and to gain these they were 
obliged to descend to the most unworthy artifices, affirming 
that I was already fled, and that they should certainly be 
destroyed by the King if they elected me. 

Before I went into Somersetshire I had ordered one of 
my tenants, of whose fidelity I had good assurance, to find 
out some private house where I might remain till I could 
better discern what course to take. Having made a diligent 
inquiry, he came to me with an account that he had found 
out divers places, whereof I might make choice of that 
which I should best approve for my retirement, which 
accordingly I did, and was received with hearty affection ; 
and during the time I staid there, enjoyed great satisfaction 
in the conversation of the good man of the house, who was 
a lover of his country, possessor of an estate of about one 
hundred pounds by year in free land ; above contempt, and 
below envy. After I had been with him about eight days, 
I thought I might without much hazard give my wife a visit 
at Salisbury ; and accordingly I went thither in the night, 
and lay there. The next day being Sunday, news was April 15. 
brought to that place that Major-General Lambert had 
made his escape out of the Tower, and that it was supposed April 10. 
he would be able to draw a considerable part of the army 
into a body speedily l . Hereupon, not doubting that the 
utmost diligence would be used to seize Lambert, and 
knowing that those of Salisbury were informed that I was 
in those parts, I returned to my former lodging, where 
I had not been above two or three days, when the man 
that had assisted Major-General Lambert in his escape, 
came to me with a message from him, to acquaint me that 

1 Lambert escaped from the Tower ^100 reward for his arrest. Merc, 

on the night of April 10. On April Pol. 1253. An account of the manner 

ii the Council of State published of his escape is given in Rugge's 

a proclamation against him, and Diary. See Wheatley's edition of 

against all sheltering him, offering Pepys, i. ur. 

VOL. II. S 



258 Ludioivs answer to Lamberts invitations. 

1660 divers officers of the army had been with him ; that they 
had agreed upon two places of rendezvous,, and had dispersed 
themselves to their respective countries in order to put their 
design in execution ; that they had received assurances that 
the greatest part of the army would join with them, and 
therefore desired that I would give orders for the forces 
in the western parts to draw together, and that I would 
meet him at the head of them in the county of Oxford. 
But I thought it not prudent to engage my friends in so 
publick a manner, till I should see some probability of 
making a stand, whereof I conceived I might give some 
guess by Lambert's first rendezvouz, which was appointed 
to be about Daventry. In the mean time I dispatched 
messengers to several officers that commanded the forces 
in the counties of Dorset, Somerset and Wilts, to be ready 
to march if there should be occasion. I received assurance 
from a considerable party about Taunton, that the castle 
should be secured for the publick service, and had divers 
promises of the same nature from other places. The horse 
that lay at Salisbury began to stagger, and I doubt not 
would have been honest if they had seen a force sufficient 
to have made it reasonable for them to appear. 

About eight days after my return from Salisbury, one 
Major Whitby came to me from Major-General Lambert to 
acquaint me with his intentions, and to consult with me 
concerning the best way of drawing together the forces 
on our side. He assured me that about one thousand 
horse were already with Lambert, and that he had good 
assurance that most part of the army would join with him. 
Having received this information, and being willing to 
hazard all with Major-General Lambert or any other 
persons, if I might be satisfied they aimed at the good 
of the Commonweath, I desired to know what Lambert 
had or would declare for, it being as I thought the duty 
of every man to inform himself of the justice of the cause 
before he engageth himself in it. Major Whitby answered, 
that it was not now a time to declare what we would be for, 
but what we would be against, which was that torrent of 






Lambert is recaptured. 259 

tyranny and popery that was ready to break in upon us. 1660 
To which I replied, that the best way to prevent those 
mischiefs, would be to agree upon something that might 
be contrary to them, not so much in name as in the nature 
of it, whereby we might justly hope to engage all good men 
to favour and assist us in our enterprize ; and that the 
utmost care ought to be taken to convince the nation of 
the sincerity and justice of our intentions, especially since 
all men knew they had been so lately cheated by advancing 
a personal instead of a publick interest, and therefore not 
likely to be so easily taken with the same bait again l . So 
having communicated to me what he had in trust, and 
having received my answer, the Major departed ; and two 
or three days after an account was brought to me, that 
Major-General Lambert's party was dispersed, and himself April 22. 
taken prisoner by Col. Ingoldsby. To which defeat an 
accident that happened did not a little contribute ; for 
some of Ingoldsby 's party in their march had met Capt. 
Haslerig, son to Sir Arthur, and knowing his troop to be 
with Lambert, they seized him and brought him to Col. 
Ingoldsby, where he said, that being dissatisfied with 
Lambert's design, he had quitted the party, and thereby 
hoped to be set at liberty. But Ingoldsby told him, that 
unless he would bring off his troop also from Lambert, his 
deserting them should be of no advantage to him. He 
promised to use the best of his endeavours to serve him, 
and thereupon was permitted to return to Lambert. When 
the two parties were ready to engage, he brought off his 
troop as he had promised to endeavour, which caused such 
a consternation in the rest of the party, that many of them 
went over to Ingoldsby, and most part of those who did 
not think fit to follow their example, shifted for themselves 
as well as they could, leaving Lambert talking with In- 
goldsby, and endeavouring to dissuade him from engaging 

1 Some fictitious incitements to State Papers, and calendared without 

the Fifth Monarchy men to rise in any suspicion of their genuineness 

arms were also circulated about this being expressed. Cal. S. P., Dom., 

time. Two of them are amongst the 1659-60, pp. 407, 409. 

S 2 



260 The Convention- Parliament meets. 

1660 any farther against him. But Col. Ingoldsby perceiving 
that Lambert's party had abandoned him, rid up close to 
him and required him to yield himself prisoner, which after 
a short hesitation he did, desiring Ingoldsby' s Lordship, as 
he called him, to give him leave to escape. Col. Cobbet, 
Major Creed, and some other officers were taken prisoners 1 , 
and with Major-Gen. Lambert committed to the Tower. 
Thus our enemies were those of our own house, and it was 
not the King's party that could destroy us ; which as it 
ought to be a subject of humiliation to us, so it can be no 
just cause of exaltation to them. Being thus deprived of 
an opportunity of appearing in the field for the service 
of my country, I resolved to go to London, and there to 
wait the pleasure of God, either by acting or suffering in 
his cause 2 ; where being arrived, I took up my lodging 
at the house of a friend who lived in Holborn, and 
endeavouring to learn what Major - General Lambert 
designed to have done if he had kept his ground, I was 
informed that he had prepared two declarations very 
different from each other, intending to publish that which 
might have procured him the greater party ; but because 
it could not be agreed which of them was most likely 
to do so, he had thought fit to publish neither. 

Hitherto Monk had continued to make solemn protesta- 
tions of his affection and fidelity to the Commonwealth- 
interest, against a King and House of Lords ; but the new 
militia being settled, and a Convention, calling themselves 
April 25. a Parliament and fit for his purpose, being met at West- 
minster, he sent to such lords as had sate with the Parlia- 
ment till 1648, to return to the place where they used to 
sit, which they did, upon assurance from him, that no others 

1 Lambert had with him Colonels 2 On April 23 the Council of State 
Okey, Axtell and Cobbet, Lieut-Col. issued a warrant to Sergeant North- 
Young, Major Creed, Capts. Timothy folk, ordering him to apprehend 
Clare, Gregory, Spinage and others. Lieut.-General Ludlow, and bring 
Okey, Axtell and Clare escaped. him in custody before the Coun- 
Gumble, Life of Monk, p. 283. Gre- cil. Cal. S. P., Dom., 1659 - 60, 
gory was afterwards Col. Hutchin- p. 574. 
son's fellow-prisoner in the Tower. 



Charles the Second recalled. 261 

should be permitted to sit with them ; which promise he 1660 
also broke, and let in not only such as had deserted to Oxford, 
but the late created lords. And Charles Stuart, eldest son 
to the late King, being informed of these transactions, left the 
Spanish territories where he then resided, and by the advice 
of Monk went to Breda, a town belonging to the States 
of Holland : from whence he sent his letters and a declara- 
tion to the two Houses by Sir John Greenvil ; where- 
upon the nominal House of Commons, tho called by a 
Commonwealth writ in the name of the Keepers of the 
Liberties of England, passed a vote, ' That the government 
of the nation should be by a King, Lords and Commons, 
and that Charles Stuart should be proclaimed King of 
England,' &c. 

1 The Convention at Westminster having thought them- 
selves sufficiently authorized to alter the Government, by 
virtue of which they had been called together, and rewarded 
Sir John Greenvil for the message he had brought, the 
proclamation for the readmission of monarchy in the person 
of Charles Stuart was published on the eighth of May, 
in the presence of the new General George Monk. Bonfires 
were made, the bells were rung, and much happiness ex- 
pected from this change. The officers of the army sub- 
scribed a declaration, and presented it to Monk to be 
sent to the King, in which they expressed a resolution 
to become true and faithful subjects, and to accept of the 
King's grace and favour, according to the tenour of his 

1 The third volume of the original England was governed without 

edition of these Memoirs begins a king, as because much of this 

here. It is said to be ' printed at following part consists of things 

Vevay in the Canton of Bern, 1699,' relating to his own person. But the 

and the preface is dated Bern, good reception which the other 

March 26, 1699. The editor ob- volumes have found in most parts of 

serves : ' When the two former Europe, and the incessant inquiries 

volumes of these Memoirs were of divers persons of worth and 

published, the author's friends had honour concerning these remains, 

no design of letting the rest of his has induced the friends of the author 

papers go abroad ; as well because to think that the publick might have 

those already printed contain the just cause to complain, if they should 

most remarkable transactions that be denied the view of the following 

passed during the whole time that papers.' 



262 Ludlow admitted to sit for Hinden. 

1660 late Declaration from Breda. Whilst these things were 
doing, I kept my self private at the house of a particular 
friend, till I might better understand what the issue was 
like to be ; for the Council of State had, on the day 
I arrived at London, sent orders into the west of England 
for seizing my person, which probably might have been 
served upon me, if I had returned by the usual road. 
Fifteen commissioners were appointed to be sent to Breda 
to complement the new King, and to attend him in his 
passage to England, five to be nominated by the Lords, 
and ten by the Commons. But every man expecting 
some mark of favour to be conferred on him for this 
service, great contentions arose among the members for 
that employment. To these, many others, especially of 
the looser sort of men, added themselves ; and some, to 
make an early offer of their subjection, and to provide 
themselves of favour and places, went over before the 
commissioners, and being one day with their King in his 
apartment, boasting of their loyalty and services, he called 
for wine, and applying himself to the Duke of York, drank 
to the health of those gentlemen, with this remark, that he 
was now even with them, having as he thought done as 
much for them as they had done for him. 

The Committee of Privileges and Elections having 

May 3. declared me to have been duly returned to serve for the 
borough of Hinden in the county of Wilts, and made their 
report, which was agreed by the House, I received an order 
for my admission to sit as a member, but clogged with 
this unusual clause, that I should attend my duty in the 
House, and take my place by a certain day ; which would 
be within ten days after the date of the said order *. 
Suspecting that the reason of this insertion might proceed 
from some information given by the Council of State that 

1 Resolved that this House doth of the cause upon the double return 

agree with the committee, that be determined. Resolved, that 

Edmund Ludlow, Esquire, who is Edmund Ludlow, Esquire, do attend 

returned by the proper officer, ought the service of this House on this day 

to sit in this House until the merits sennight. C. J. viii. 9. 



Annesleys advice to Ludlow. 263 

I had withdrawn my self, I thought fit to make my 1660 
application to Mr. Arthur Annesly, knowing him to be 
a leading man among them *, as well to give him satisfaction 
touching the cause of my absence, as to learn from him 
what might be the reason of that addition. And tho' 
I well understood, that being now declared to be a member 
of that which was called a House of Commons, no other 
power could seize me without breach of their privileges ; 
yet the same Council of State still sitting, which had 
procured from the Secluded Members a power to seize any 
member that did not sit, and considering that things were 
carried on with the utmost treachery, I sent a servant to 
let him know I would wait on him at night. He received 
me with great civility, and having conducted me to his 
apartment, I acquainted him, that the end of my coming 
to him at that time, was to assure him that my late 
privacy did not proceed from any design that I had on 
foot against the present power ; but that finding the wheel 
to go round so fast, that it was difficult to guess where it 
might rest, I thought a man, who had been engaged with 
the first against the King, and always zealous for a Common- 
wealth-government, might be excused, if he was unwilling 
to be found in prison at the King's return ; especially since 
it was well known that a warrant had been signed for my 
seizure : and therefore I desired he would favour me to 
inform those that were in power, with the true reasons of my 
absence. He answer'd, that tho' I had been zealous in the 
way I mentioned, yet that he and others were well satisfied, 
that my intentions were directed to the publick good ; and 
tho' he could not blame me for taking measures to avoid 
a confinement, yet he assured me that a hair of my head 
should not suffer any more than his own. He then 
acquainted me with the passages that had happened in 
the House upon the report from the committee touching 
my election : that tho' nothing was said against it ; yet 
because I was the person concerned, who, as they said, had 

1 Annesley, soon to be created Earl of Anglesey, was then President 
of the Council of State. 



264 Ludlow takes his seat. 

1660 constantly opposed them, and withdrawn my self out of 
their protection, a vote of the House had probably passed 
against agreeing with the committee, if he had not stood 
up and desired the House, ' that they would not do an act 
upon a personal distaste, of which they would be ashamed 
when they should better consider the matter : that justice 
ought to be impartial, and that nothing being alledged 
against the report of the committee, it ought to be taken 
for good : that if the person concerned had done any 
thing amiss, he being a member ought to answer it in his 
place.' This motion being seconded by Mr. Matthew Hale, 
prevailed with the House to allow the report with the 
addition before mentioned. He took this occasion to tell 
me, that there was a young head-strong party in the 
House, who in all debates were for the most violent 
courses, and that it would be very difficult to keep them 
in order * ; yet advised me to take my place in the House 
as soon as I could. I thought fit to follow his council, not 
only to undeceive those who thought I would continue in 
my retirement, but also by coming among them before 
I was expected, to disturb the measures of those who 
waited for my ruin. I chose to go into the House early in 
the morning, and immediately went up into the Speaker's 
chambers, where I was no sooner sate down, when Major 
Robert Harley came to me and desired, that if any thing 
should be objected against me by any member of the 
House, which he supposed would happen, and that the 
House should require me to answer, I would by all means 
forbear to say any thing in justification of the proceedings 
of the High Court of Justice against the late King, because 
it would not be suffered. I told him that unless I was 
constrained, I saw no reason to mention that matter ; but 
in that case, tho' it should cost me my life, I could not 
prevaricate. 

Some of the members, who during the time of the 
Parliament's prosperity had gone as high with them as 

1 On Hale's part in this Parliament, see Burnet, Own Time, ed. 
1833, i. 161. 



Commissioners elected to go to Breda. 265 

any others, now reproached me with the present condition 1660 
of affairs ; to whom I contented my self to reply in general, 
that if they liked it not they might thank themselves ; and 
that as to my own particular, my conscience did not at all 
accuse me for contributing to the change, or not using my 
endeavours to prevent it. Others said, they had frequently 
admonished us that things would be brought to this pass, 
by rendring the foundations of our party too narrow. But 
to these I answered, that they knew my principles and 
practices to have been such in that respect, as had drawn 
upon me the censures of many. Divers of those who in 
Richard's Convention had joined with the Commonwealth 
interest, now appeared to be totally altered, whilst others 
who had opposed them at that time, now wished for Sir 
Henry Vane and some others to balance the royal party. 
But those who had continued in their fidelity to the 
publick cause, tho' they durst not speak out by reason of 
the present torrent, yet shook their heads to express their 
dislike of the present affairs. 

The commissioners who had been voted to be sent to May 5. 
Breda being to be nominated that day, I took my place in 
the House ; divers members sollicited me to insert their 
names in my paper 1 . But tho' it was my fortune to be 
one of this Convention, that I might not altogether neglect 
my own preservation ; yet resolving to have no part in 
betraying the Commonwealth, by re-establishing the 
government, against which I had engaged, and contracting 
the guilt of that blood which had been shed in the late 
wars, I determin'd to put in no paper of names. To this 
end I went out of the House ; but the Serjeant at Arms 
being commanded by the Speaker to call in all the members 
to be numbred, and seeing me, was very earnest with me 

1 ' Two glasses were prepared, members with the glasses, and 

for every member to put in his paper, received of them respectively, sitting 

of the names of the persons whom in their places, a paper of names ; 

he would have to carry the letter to and so both the glasses were brought 

the King's Majesty from this House. and set upon the table.' C. J. 

The Clerk of the Parliament and viii. 14. 
Clerk Assistant went to the several 



266 Ludlow s conduct in the Convention. 

1660 to return to the House : I told him, I designed not to put 
in any paper, and therefore it was not necessary I should 
be numbred. In the mean time, the Serjeant received 
fresh orders to summon the members, and repeating his 
importunity with me, told me plainly, if I would not go 
into the House, he would inform the Speaker of my refusal ; 
which had he done, 'tis probable I should have been sent 
to the Tower. But having desired him to inquire of some 
ancient member, whether it was necessary for one who 
would put in no paper, to be numbred with the rest ; 
he went to Mr. Pierrepoint and Serjeant Glynn to ask 
the question ; who, I suppose, satisfied the Serjeant it 
was not necessary : for looking down from the gallery, 
I perceived both of them to smile whilst he was with 
them ; but especially because I heard no more of that 
matter. 

This business being over, the House fell into a debate 
touching persons to be entrusted with the Great Seal. All 
agreed in Mr. Tyrrel ; but it was objected against Serjeant 
Fountain, that tho' he had been formerly for the King, yet 
he had of late shewed himself a great promoter of the 
reformation of the law. Many pressed that the Earl of 
Manchester might be one of the commissioners ; but others 
who were better inform'd of affairs, objecting, that it would 
be a dishonour to the Earl to be put into a place, which 
they assured the House was already given away to another 
person, no more was said concerning him. In the afternoon 
I went to the Committee of Elections, which sate in the 
House : another day I sate with the members in the Abby 
to hear a sermon, and indeavour'd in all things so to carry 
my self, as to give no occasion to suspect me to be under 
any apprehensions of danger ; hoping by this means to dis- 
courage my enemies from moving any thing against me, 
which I knew the Cavalier party inclined to do out of 
principle ; and divers of those who had served the Parlia- 
ment, would not fail to comply with, from a prudential 
care of themselves ; hoping not only to make their own 
peace, by sacrificing those who had been most faithful to 



His Irish property seized by Coote. 267 

the publick, but also to procure favour and preferment for 1660 
themselves. 

During this time, I had sent orders to my bailiff in 
Ireland, to sell my stock, which in sheep, black cattle, corn 
and horses, might amount to about fifteen hundred pounds, 
and to collect the rents that were due to me from my 
tenants. But he being negligent, I made over my stock to 
my brother-in-law, Colonel Kempson, for satisfaction of 
my sister's portion, pressing him to send some person 
forthwith to take possession ; which not being done with 
the expedition that was requisite in such a conjuncture, 
Sir Charles Coote, without any order or pretence of 
authority from the Parliament, made seisure of all * ; 
forcing my tenants to pay my rents to him, and com- 
manding my servant not to dispose of any part of my stock 
but by his order: only four stone horses which I had bred, 
and were then in my stable, were taken away by Colonel 
Theophilus Jones ; these men, who had engag'd in the 
same cause, out-doing our enemies in rage and cruelty 
to us. 

In the Convention things went high, men not daring to 
shew moderation lest it should be called disaffection to the 
King ; but in private, divers members of both Houses 
declar'd themselves of opinion, that a general indemnity 
ought to be granted for all that had passed, without any 
exception. The Earl of Northumberland was heard to 
say, that tho' he had no part in the death of the King, he 
was against questioning those who had been concern'd in 
that affair ; that the example might be more useful to 
posterity, and profitable to future kings, by deterring them 

1 'The Commissioners for the sequestered.' News from Dublin, 

Government have ordered the estates May 24. Mercurius Publicus, May 

of Col. Robert Phaire, Col. Her. 3i-June 7, 1660. On Feb. n, 1661, 

Hunckes, Sir Hardres Walter, Col. a grant of goods and chattels belong- 

Axtell, Justice John Cook, Col. ing to Ludlow to the value of .200, 

Robert Barrow, Col. Woogan, Col. which had been seized by Lieut. 

Ireton, Miles Corbet, Gregory John Baxter, was made to Coote. 

Clement, Edmond Ludlow, Col. Carte MSS. xli. 596. On Kempson 

Hewson, and Col. John Jones, to be see Appendix I. 



268 Monk prevents a treaty with the King. 

1660 from the like exorbitancies. And the Lord Fairfax on 
that subject plainly said, that if any person must be 
excepted, he knew no man that deserved it more than him- 
self, who being General of the army at that time, and 
having power sufficient to prevent the proceedings against 
the King, had not thought fit to make use of it to that end. 
Divers also of the Commons moved that limitations and 
conditions might be drawn up, on which they should con- 
sent to receive their King ; 'till at length finding that Monk 
who had the power in his hand, gave constant intelligence 
of all that was said and by whom, none of them durst 
insist any farther on those heads. And that he might 
compleat his treachery, when the Lord Say proposed to 
him, that for the quiet of men's minds, an Act of Indemnity 
should be passed, in which some of those who had been 
principally concerned in the death of the King might be 
excepted ; he in a great rage answer'd, ' Not a man ; for if 
I should suffer such a thing, I should be the arrantest 
rogue that ever lived.' Yet for all this, under colour that 
the House might have better terms from their King, by 
relying on his ingenuity than by capitulating with him, 
especially at a distance, he had the confidence to move 
them, that their commissioners might be impower'd simply 
to invite him into England. Which motion concurring 
with the opinion of the unforeseeing Cavaliers among them, 
and disliked only by those who had not courage enough to 
publish their dissent, for fear of exposing themselves to 
a future revenge, was taken for the sense of the whole 
House, and so passed. 

Sir Charles Coote having opened the bloody scene by 
the seizure of the Chief Justice Coke in Ireland, a party 
of the Staffordshire militia, commanded by one Colonel 
Bowyer, thought themselves sufficiently authorized to act 
in the like manner ; and therefore seized Major-General 
Harrison with his horses and arms l , he having refused, 

1 On May n the House of command of Colonel John Bowyer, 

Commons was informed that Col. in the county of Stafford,' and 

Harrison was ' in the custody of ordered him to be sent up at once in 

some officers and soldiers under the custody. C. J. viii. 22. 



Vote for securing the Kings judges. 269 

upon advice of their intentions, to withdraw himself from 1660 
his house, accounting such an action to be a desertion of 
the cause in which he had engaged ; tho' many precepts 
and examples might be produced, even from the scriptures, 
to justifie men who endeavour to avoid the cruelty of 
enemies and persecutors, by removing themselves where 
they may be protected. For that only can properly be 
called a desertion of the cause, when men disown it to save 
their lives, and not when they endeavour to secure them- 
selves by lawful means, in order to promote it. But I shall 
not take upon me to censure the conduct of the Major- 
General, not knowing what extraordinary impulse one 
of his virtue, piety, and courage may have had upon his 
mind in that conjuncture. Sure I am, he was everyway so 
qualified for the part he had in the following sufferings, 
that even his enemies were astonished and confounded. 

The King's party in the House of Commons having got 
such an ascendent, that it was no longer safe to oppose 
them, drove on furiously, and procured a resolution to be 
passed for seizing the persons of all those who had signed 
the warrant for the execution of the late King 1 ; which May 14. 
though carried with all possible privacy, yet being not 
destitute of friends among them, I had timely notice of 
their intentions : and because I doubted not that the house 
where I liv'd would be suddenly searched, I went to 
another in Southampton Buildings, belonging to one of 
my relations, where I had appointed some friends to meet 
me in the evening, and to bring me an account of what 
had passed at Westminster. When I came to the house, 
I found my friends had been in great pain for me ; the 
time that I had appointed for our meeting being pass'd by 
almost two hours, through the fault of my watch. Upon 
the account I received of the state of our affairs, we enter'd 

1 On May 14 the House of John Cooke, Andrew Broughton, 

Commons resolved 'that all those John Phelpes, Edward Dendy and 

persons who sat in judgment upon Cornet Joyce were also to be 

the late King's Majesty when the arrested, and Cooke was to be sent 

sentence was pronounced for his over from Ireland. C. J. viii. 25. 
condemnation be forthwith secured.' 



270 Ludlow in concealment. 

1660 into a debate concerning the course I should take to pre- 
serve my self from the danger that threatned me ; and 
the company advised that I should forthwith remove from 
the house where I was, because the entrance was in so 
publick a place that it was probable I might have been 
observ'd at my coming in : for this reason I consented to 
go immediately to the house of another friend, which was 
not far distant, and had a back gate leading to several 
other houses, with an intention to stay there till night, and 
then to repair to a more private place in London, which 
had been prepared for me some days before. Night being 
come, and I ready to depart, my friend, tho' not insensible 
of the danger that might ensue by entertaining me, would 
by no means let me go, alledging, that on the night of that 
day, when a resolution of such importance had passed the 
House, the watch in London would not fail of their ac- 
customed diligence. This being seconded by some of my 
nearest relations, who also advised me to stay, I was con- 
tented to acquiesce ; and the next morning was informed 
that the watch had hardly permitted any coach to pass 
into London without some kind of search. 

The order for seizing the King's judges, not producing 
May 17. that sudden effect the Commons expected, provoked them 
to such a degree, that they commanded their real and 
personal estates to be forthwith seized in an extraordinary 
manner, contrary, I presume, to the known laws, which 
provide that no confiscation shall be made till after con- 
viction 1 . But it ought not to seem strange, that those 
who had so far parted with their prudence, to recal from 
a twelve years' banishment, the son of a father whose 
head had been publickly taken off, and invest him with 
the government of a nation where this had been done, 



1 The House voted, May 17, the same day. Ludlow's name was 

seizure of the estates of those of the reported by the Council of State in 

regicides who had fled instead of a list of persons against whom 

allowing themselves to be arrested. warrants had been granted, but who 

A vote for stopping all the ports to were not yet apprehended. C. J. 

prevent their escape passed the viii. 34. 






The Commissioners at Breda. 271 

should be no more sollicitous for the privileges of their 1660 
countrymen. 

The House having received information that Major- 
General Harrison was brought prisoner to London, they May ai. 
order'd him to be sent to the Tower, and that all his horses 
which had been taken from him by those who had seized 
him at his house, should be brought to the stables in the 
Mewse, for the use of their King. Chief Justice Coke being May 19. 
also sent to London by Sir Charles Coote, was by another 
order committed prisoner to the same place. 

In the mean time the commissioners sent from England 
to attend the new King, arrived at Breda, where Mr. Denzil 
Hollis, according to the instructions he had received at 
Westminster to impart their message to the King, going 
about to execute that order, was interrupted and ruffled by 
Mr. Henry Howard, brother to the Earl of Arundel, who 
said, it was insolent in him to pretend that honour, which 
belonged to another of the commissioners, and named one 
that was his own kinsman. But Mr. Hollis affirming, that 
the House had entrusted him with their complements and 
desires, the King thought fit to make up the difference, and 
to suffer Mr. Hollis to perform his part. Fifty thousand 
pounds were sent over by these commissioners to pay the 
debts of the King, and to equip him for his journey to 
England, together with considerable sums of mony for the 
Dukes of York and Glocester. Divers private persons also 
had taken care to make their presents. Among others, 
Mr. William Lenthal, late Speaker of the Parliament, had 
commissionated a friend to give the King three thousand 
pounds from him, and to desire that he might continue 
Master of the Rolls ; but the person he had employ'd was 
told, that the place was already promised to another. 

Whilst these things were doing in Holland, the House of 
Commons were preparing a Bill of Indemnity with all 
possible diligence, that it might be ready to pass at the 
arrival of the King. They unanimously agreed, that some 
of the King's judges should be excepted both as to life 
and estate, the remaining dispute being only about the 



272 Arrests of the Regicides. 

1660 number. Some proposed, that all might be excepted, 
others would be contented with twenty, and many with 
thirteen : but Monk who had betray'd them all, expressing 
his desires to be for moderation, they were reduced to nine, 
which that boutefeu Pryn, contrary to the orders of the 
House, undertook to name. Yet I was so far obliged to 
him, that my name was not upon his list. Monk at last 
prevailed with the House to bring the number to seven l . 

Colonel John Jones, who had acted as a member of the 
High Court of Justice, being walking one evening at some 
distance from his lodging to take the air, was seized, and 
sent prisoner to the Tower by order of the House 2 ; to- 
gether with Mr. Gregory Clement another of those judges, 
who had conceal'd himself at a mean house near Gray's 
Inn. But some persons having observ'd that better pro- 
visions were carried to that place than had been usual, 
procured an officer to search the house, where they found 
Mr. Clement, and presuming him to be one of the King's 
judges, tho' they knew him not personally, carried him 
before the commissioners of the militia for that precinct : 
one of these commissioners, to whom he was not unknown, 
after a slight examination, had prevailed with the rest to 
dismiss him ; but as he was about to withdraw, it happen'd 
that a blind man who had crowded into the room, and 
was acquainted with the voice of Mr. Clement, which was 
very remarkable, desired he might be called in again ; and 
demanded, if he was not Mr. Gregory Clement. The 
commissioners not knowing how to refuse his request, 
permitted the question to be ask'd ; and he not denying 
himself to be the man, was by that means discovered, and 
sent to the Tower likewise 3 . 

1 The Bill of Indemnity was read had been committed to the Tower by 

a first time on May 9, and a second the Council of State on the previous 

time on May 12. On May 14 it was day. Corbet's escape was reported 

resolved that seven regicides should on May 31, and Carew's on June 2 ; 

be excepted. but the latter was seized at Plymouth 

1 The arrest of Jones was reported two or three days later. An account 

June 2. of Clement's seizure is given in the 

3 On May 26 An nesley reported to Kingdom's Intelligencer, May 22-29. 
the House of Commons, that Clement 



The landing of Charles the Second. 273 

Many of the judges passed over into Holland and other 1660 
parts beyond the seas *, divers of them not without great 
danger of being surprized 2 . Of these, Mr. Cornelius 
Holland being at Colchester, in order to depart with the 
first occasion, the mayor of the town was inform'd that 
a suspected person was lodged at a certain inn ; and that 
they supposed him to be Major-General Lambert. Upon 
this notice the inn was searched, and his horse with other 
things seized at four in the morning : but Mr. Holland was 
already gone abroad to receive a sum of mony from a mer- 
chant of the place, who was to begin a journey to London 
early that day ; and having received advice of what had 
passed at the inn, he was by the favour of a friend convey'd 
out of town, and by that means made his escape. 

The new King being suddenly expected, great numbers 
of those who had been officers in the Cavalier army, or 
were otherwise zealous for him, procured horses and cloths, 
for the most part upon credit, and formed themselves into 
troops under the Lord Litchfield, Lord Cleveland, and that 
apostate Brown the wood-monger, in order to attend him 
at his reception. And news being brought that he was 
put out to sea, Monk, accompanied with a guard of horse, May 22. 
marched to Dover, and received him at his landing : the 
King embraced him, kissed him, and called him father ; and May 25. 
it might be truly said, that in some respects they were very 
nearly allied. At Canterbury the King presented him with 
the George and Garter ; the first was put on by the Duke 
of York, the other by the Duke of Gloucester. And 
because it was suspected that the army which had fought 
against him, might still retain some of their former inclina- 
tions : it was resolved that the King, with his brothers, shall 

1 ' It was this day advertised that advertised also that Coll. Okey and 

J olm Lisle, Esquire, lately one of the Coll. Hewson had made their 

Commissioners of the Great Seal, escapes.' The Kingdom's Intelli- 

and who was in great danger to be gence, May 22-29, J 66o. 
attainted for many horrid murders, a Sir Henry Mildmay was arrested 

had escaped out of the Isle of Wight at Rye and Col. John Desborough 

into Diepe in France,which cost him in Essex. C. J. viii. 38, 39. 
a round sum of money. It was 

VOL. 11. T 



274 Charles the Second enters London. 

1660 lodge at the house of Colonel Gibbons, one of their officers, 
May 28. at Rochester. Many knights were made in this journey, 
and bonfires were to be seen in great numbers on the road ; 
the inconstant multitude in some places burning the badges 
of their own freedom, the arms of the Commonwealth. 
Monk's army was drawn up on Blackheath, and by the best 
judges was thought to deserve the fool's coat rather than 
the souldier's casaque. 

May 29. The Lord Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen of the City, 
treated their King with a collation under a tent, placed 
in St. George's Fields ; and five or six hundred citizens 
cloathed in coats of black velvet, and (not improperly) 
wearing chains about their, necks, by an order of the 
Common Council, attended on the triumph of that day; 
with much more empty pageantry which I purposely omit : 
but I must not pass over the folly and insolence manifested 
at that time by those who had been so often defeated in 
the field, and had contributed nothing either of bravery or 
policy to this change, in ordering the souldiery to ride 
with swords drawn through the city of London to White- 
Hall, the Duke of York and Monk leading the way ; and 
intimating (as was supposed) a resolution to maintain that 
by force which had been obtain'd by fraud. 

The Lords, with those who sate in the House of Commons, 
May 29. received the King at Whitehall after this tedious cavalcade, 
where the Speakers of both Houses loaded him with 
complements ; and took the best care they could to make 
him believe himself to be the best, greatest and bravest 
prince in the whole world. His answer to them was short, 
by reason, as he said, of his present discomposure caused 
by the great acclamations he had received in his passage, 
which yet he pretended had been very agreeable to him, 
as they were expressions of the affections of his people. 

Most of those who had attended this entry, finding the 
streets through which they had passed to be full of people, 
returned to the City by the way of Holborn ; by which 
means I had a view of them from the house where I then 
was. And, I confess, it was a strange sight to me, to see 



The Bill of Indemnity in the Commons. 275 

the horse that had formerly belonged to our army, now 1660 
put upon an employment so different from that which they 
had at first undertaken ; especially, when I consider'd that 
for the most part they had not been raised out of the 
meanest of the people, and without distinction, as other 
armies had been ; but that they consisted of such as had 
engaged themselves from a spirit of liberty in the defence 
of their rights and religion : but having been corrupted 
under the tyranny of Cromwel, and kept up as a standing 
force against the people, they had forgotten their first 
engagements, and were become as mercenary as other 
troops are accustomed to be. 

The dissolution and drunkenness of that night was so 
great and scandalous, in a nation which had not been 
acquainted with such disorders for many years past, that 
the King, who still stood in need of the. Presbyterian party 
which had betray 'd all into his hands, for their satisfaction, 
caused a proclamation to be publish'd, forbidding the May 30. 
drinking of healths 1 . But resolving, for his own part, to 
be oblig'd to no rule of any kind, he publickly violated his 
own order in a few days, at a debauch in the Mulberry 
Garden ; and more privately at another meeting in the City, 
where he drank healths to the utmost excess till two in 
the morning. 

The Bill of Indemnity being not yet finished, the 
Commons, out of a tender care for their own persons and 
estates, resolving to make it ready with all diligence, 
proceeded to the nomination of the seven persons who 
were to be excepted for condemning the late King to 
death ; and having agreed that Major-General Harrison, 
John Lisle, Esq. and William Say, Esq., should be three of 
that number, it was contrived that a letter should be 
brought to Monk at that instant (not without suspicion 
that he was the author of the design, to the end I might 
be inserted) informing him, that I was in arms at the head 

1 The king's proclamation ' against Kennel's Register, p. 167. See also 
vicious, debauched, and profane per- Pepys, June 4. 
sons,' May 30, 1660, is reprinted in 

T 2 



276 The seven excepted persons. 

1660 of several hundred men, in one of the islands called the 
Holmes, and had declared against this Convention. The 
letter being communicated to the House, who were ready 
to give credit to any thing of that nature, had probably 
answered the end of the contrivers of this design, if some- 
thing, of which I was not inform'd, had not obliged them 
to adjourn abruptly. Yet upon this alarum, one of my 
friends in this house, who had served in the King's army, 
and to whom I had been formerly useful at the time of his 
composition, came in a great surprize to one that was his 
sister-in-law, and also related to me, acquainting her with 
the report ; and telling her that he had engaged many 
members, that were of the King's party, to be for me ; but 
that, if this should prove to be true, neither they nor he 
could possibly serve me ; and therefore desired her to give 
me notice with all diligence of what had passed, that 
I might take some course to satisfie the Parliament of the 
falshood of this rumour. She promised him to endeavour 
so to do, and in the mean time assured him that she knew 
the report to be false. Upon this assurance, which he 
immediately reported to the party above-mention'd, I am 
inclined to believe it chiefly came to pass, that when they 
proceeded to compleat the number of seven, who were to 
be excepted both for life and estate, and had agreed that 
June 6. Colonel John Jones, Mr. Cornelius Holland, and Mr. 
Thomas Scot, should be added to the three before 
mentioned, a motion being made by one Colonel Skipwith 
that I might be the seventh man, he was not seconded : so 
that another member proposing Colonel Barkstead, and no 
man daring to say any thing either in extenuation of the 
pretended crime, or commendation of the persons con- 
June 7. cerned, he was voted to fill up the number 1 . Chief Justice 
Coke, who had been Sollicitor to the High Court of Justice, 
Mr. Broughton who had been Clark, and Mr. Edward 
Dendy their Serjeant at Arms, were also excepted in the 

1 Harrison was excepted on Junes. John Lisle, and John Barkstead 
On June 6, William Say, John Jones, were added. 
Thomas Scot, Cornelius Holland, 



The Regicides ordered to surrender. 277 

same manner. And that no means of gratifying the 1660 
passions of our enemies might be omitted, having already, 
under pretence that some of the late King's judges were 
fled, order'd their estates to be seized ; it was contrived by 
the creatures of the Court, who were a great part of the 
House, that a petition should be drawn and presented to 
the King, to issue out a proclamation for requiring all 
those of the late King's judges and others therein named, 
to surrender themselves within the space of fourteen days? 
under pain of exception from the benefit of the Act, both 
for life and estate 1 . 

This petition having had its rise from the Court, and on 
that account received with joy by the King, soon produced 
a proclamation as had been desired, which being published June 6. 
near my lodgings, I heard the officer distinctly, as he read 
it aloud to the people. But I found it difficult to resolve 
what to do : for tho' the message from Breda had declared 
the King would be satisfied, if some few persons who had 
an immediate hand in the death of his father, might 
be excepted from the indemnity; yet finding himself now 
possess'd of the throne, 'twas visible to all men that he used 
the utmost of his endeavours to influence the House of 
Commons to greater severities than were at first pretended ; 
and partly for rapine, partly for revenge, to except a great 
number of those, who had taken part with the Parliament, 
from any benefit of the Act except only as to life, their 
estates being declared to be confiscated to the King 2 . 
Among those who appeared the most basely subservient to 
these exorbitancies of the Court, Mr. William Prynn was 
singularly remarkable, bringing in a clause for excepting 
all those who had taken the oath at the Council of State 

1 This proclamation, probably general act of pardon and oblivion, 

drawn up by Prynne, was agreed to for, and in respect only of such pains, 

by the Commons on June 2, and by penalties and forfeitures (not ex- 

the Lords on June 4. It is printed tending to life) as shall be thought 

in L. J. xi. 52. fit to be inflicted on them by another 

3 On June 9 the Commons named Act, intended to be hereafter passed 

fifty-two regicides, including Lud- for that purpose.' C. J. viii. 61. 
low, ' to be excepted out of the 



278 Ludlow inclined to surrender. 

1660 for abjuring the family of the Stuarts, which the Clark 
undertaking to read without any order of the House, 
Mr. Clergies brother-in-law to Monk, perceiving that Vice- 
Admiral Lawson would by this means be excluded from 
pardon, and knowing that Monk had engaged to bring him 
off clear, most sharply rebuked the Clark for his officious- 
ness, and with the help of his friends put a stop to that 
motion 1 . 

The Commons being acquainted, by Sir Harbottle 
Grimeston their Speaker, that Mr. William Heveningham, 
Mr. Simon Mayne, and others of the late King's judges 
had rendred themselves into his hands according to the 
late proclamation, order'd them to be in the custody of the 
Serjeant at Arms attending the House 2 : which when some 
of my friends and relations heard, they consulted what 
might be best for me to do in this conjuncture. Some 
were of opinion I should surrender my self as others had 
done. Others were unwilling to advise in a case wherein 
my life was concerned ; yet gave some obscure intimation, 
that if they were in my condition, they would not put 
themselves into the hands of their enemies : and one of 
them who was not unacquainted with the publick affairs, 
gave it for his opinion, that I should by no means render 
my self. Of this I received an account of my wife. But 
not being in the number of the seven who were to be 
excepted, and my affairs by reason of the sudden change 

1 Sir Thomas Clarges member for Robert Lilburne (June 18), Col. 

Westminster. He also had a share in Adrian Scroope, Augustine Garland, 

the credit of saving Milton. Masson, Col. Edmund Harvey, and Henry 

Life of Milton, vi. 185-189. Smith (June 19), Henry Marten and 

3 The Speaker announced to the Sir Hardress Waller (June 20), 
House of Commons at successive Lieut.-Gen. Ludlow (June 21), 
sittingsof the House the surrender of Thomas Wogan (June 27). Downes, 
the following regicides, viz. : William Millington, and Potter also surren- 
Heveningham (June 9), Col. Thomas dered, and Dixwell announced his 
Wayte, Simon Mayne, and Peter intention of giving himself up. The 
Temple (June 13), Isaac Pennington procedure relative to the regicides 
(June 15), Alderman Titchborne, and the Bill of Indemnity is ad- 
Col. George Fleetwood, and James mirably treated by Masson, Life of 
Temple (June 16), Sir John Bour- Milton, vol. vi. chap. i. 
chier, Col. Owen Roe, and Col. 



He seeks advice from Annesley and Ormond. 279 

altogether unsettled, I was willing to improve the present 1660 
opportunity, and if I might have no favour in relation to 
my estate, yet to settle at least my private affairs as well 
as I could. To this end I inclined to surrender my self 
according to the proclamation, and drew up a petition 
containing in substance, that whereas I had engaged with 
the Parliament on the behalf of the Commonwealth, and 
had discharged the trust reposed in me with as much 
tenderness to those of the contrary party as my fidelity to 
the Parliament would permit, providence having order'd 
that the former Government should be re-established in 
this nation, I thought it my duty as a member of the 
Commonwealth, to declare my resolution to submit to the 
present powers, that I might with the rest of the good 
people of England enjoy the benefit of their protection. 
Having signed this paper, and presuming upon the friend- 
ship of Mr. Annesley, I sent it to him by my wife desiring 
his advice. But he being lately sworn a Privy Counsellor, 
and with his condition altering his manners, when he had 
perused the paper, he delivered it again to my wife and 
said, that the Lieutenant-General was very good at draw- 
ing letters of recommendation. My wife told him, that 
what was contained in that paper was as much as my 
conscience would give me leave to say; and received for 
answer, that then I should do better to say nothing ; which 
was not altogether without reason ; for some of those 
who had petitioned the House, and not acknowledged 
themselves guilty of a fault, were for that cause excepted, 
who otherwise, as men thought, would not have been so 
treated. 

There being some relation between the Earl of Ormond 
and me, I directed my wife to apply her self to him on 
this occasion. He received her with great civilities, and 
made her large promises, pressing her with great importunity 
to acquaint him, if I were in England. But she desired to 
be excused in that particular, as a thing not proper to be 
communicated to any person in such a conjuncture. In the 
mean time my friend, whom I mentioned before, continued 



280 Ludlow gives himself up. 

1660 to advise that I should not by any means render my self, 
affirming that the House of Lords would not fail to make 
some addition to the exceptions, and that some of them 
had intimated that I was likely to be one. Being not 
a little surprized with this information, tho' the reasons 
above mentioned inclined me to surrender my self, yet 
I was unwilling to expose my life to the fancies of such 
an uncertain sort of men ; and therefore by my direction, 
my wife went to Sir Harbottle Grimeston, and acquainted 
him with the state of my affairs, and the doubts which 
I lay under, of which he seemed very sensible, com- 
municating his thoughts very freely to her, and telling 
her, that it was his opinion the Lords would rest satisfied 
with what had been done ; but if they should not, it would 
be the most horrid thing in the world, should the House 
of Commons agree with them in excepting any man 
who had render'd himself : but withal acquainted her, that 
the House was so composed, that no man could undertake 
to tell what they would not do ; adding, that he should 
dine that day with Mr. Hollis and other leading men of the 
Parliament, and that he would inform himself from them 
touching that particular, of which he would then give her 
the best advice he could. The time which he had fixed 
being come, my wife went to him again, and was informed 
by him, that he had been with that company he had 
mentioned to her, and had found them all to be of opinion 
that the House would never be guilty of so unworthy an 
action ; and therefore advised her to persuade me to come 
in, giving her an order under his hand to secure me from 
any seizure in my way to him, and promising to speak 
to the Serjeant at Arms to be moderate in his demands 
of caution for my appearance. Under the favour of this 
warrant I went to a place where divers of my friends were, 
in order to seal some writings for settling my private 
affairs, which was the principal motive that had prevailed 
with me to render my self ; and having dispatch'd that 
business, I went to the Speaker's chamber ; who being not 
June ao. there, I took Mr. James Herbert, a member of the Conven- 






He is released on security. 281 

tion, with me to the house of the Serjeant at Arms, where T66o 
finding that he had received orders from Sir Harbottle 
Grimeston concerning me, Mr. Herbert gave his word for 
my appearance, till I should procure personal security. 
This engagement made me very uneasie ; for I thought my 
self oblig'd, what-ever might become of me, to take care 
that Mr. Herbert might not suffer for his friendship to me. 
But after two or three days I prevailed with the Serjeant 
to accept the security I had provided : they were, my unkle 
Colonel Thomas Stradling, who had been constantly of the 
King's party; and by being engaged for some debts of his 
brother Sir Edward Stradling, had ruin'd his fortune : the 
second was Colonel Edward Sutton, one knighted by the 
King since his return, and who had no other estate than in 
the right of his wife 1 . The third was one Mr. Etherington, 
who had been possessor of a considerable estate ; but for 
many years past had not been worth any thing : the fourth 
was Thomas Ashton, a citizen of London, who had been 
my taylor ; but was now in the same condition with 
Mr. Etherington. Colonel Sutton was arrested as he was 
coming to me, and by that means prevented ; Mr. Ethering- 
ton being furnished with a clean band, hat and cloak, passed 
without dispute ; so did Ashton, and of Colonel Stradling 
there was no colour to doubt. I gave the two first a little 
mony, with which they were well pleased ; and I was 
abundantly satisfied that this business passed thus over. 

When Sir Harbottle Grimeston had reported to the J nne 2I - 
House that I had render'd my self, and desired to know 
their pleasure concerning me ; some of my friends moved 
that I might be continued in the custody of the Serjeant 
at Arms, which being put to the question, was accordingly 
order'd 2 . Whilst these things were doing, my Lady Vane 

1 Button's letter of apology to for .3,000 forfeited by Ludlow's 

Lady Ludlow is printed in Cal. S. P., escape, and obtained it. Cal. S. P., 

1660-1, p. 80. On Stradling see Dom., 1661-2, pp. 180, 183, 255. 

Cal. S. P., 1659-60, p. 405. Lieut.- He was an ancestor of Orator 

Col. Thomas Hunt, who had taken Hunt. 

part in Penruddocke's rising, peti- 2 On June 21 the Speaker re- 

tioned for the benefit of the bail-bond ported to the House 'that Lieut.- 



282 Monks zeal against Ludlow. 

1660 told my wife, that Mrs. Monk had said, she would go upon 
her knees to the King, and beg that Sir Henry Vane, 
Major-General Lambert, and Lieutenant-General Ludlow, 
might die without mercy; and one of my friends who 
frequented the Court, assured me, he heard Monk saying 
to the King, that there was not a man in the three nations 
more violent against him, or more dangerous to his interests 
than I was ; to which the King made answer, that he had 
been otherwise informed by many of his party, who had 
received civilities from me in their troubles. But that 
which made me most sensible of my danger, was, that 
Secretary Maurice, with whom I had been acquainted for 
some time, not knowing that I had rendred my self to the 
Speaker, told a person whom he knew to be my friend, 
that where- ever I was, I should do well to be upon my 
guard ; for if I should be taken, I was a dead man. 

Some members of this Convention, who had engaged to 
do me all the good offices they could, presuming the House 
would proceed forthwith to impose certain fines upon those 
of the late King's judges who had rendred themselves ; and 
therefore desiring to see a particular of my estate, that they 
might know how to moderate my fine when it should be 
debated, I drew it up as well as I could at that distance 
from my papers, and sent it to them. And now my friends 
supposing my business to go on prosperously in the House 
of Commons, began to apply themselves to the Lords on 
my behalf, in case they should add any farther exceptions 
to the Bill of Indemnity; and received promises of assistance 
from all they thought fit to ask, except only the Earl of 
Northampton ; who said to my wife's father, that I had 
been a great enemy to the King : however, I made the 
best use I could of this time in settling my private affairs ; 
and my brother Kempson had prevail'd with my Lord 



Gen. Ludlow who sat as one of the that Lieut.-Gen. Ludlow be taken 

judges upon the late King's majesty, into custody by the Serjeant at 

had rendered himself unto him Arms attending the House ; and so 

yesterday, in conformity to his continued till further order.' C. J. 

Majesty's proclamation. Ordered, viii. 70. 



Coote s letter to the King. 283 

Broghil to write to Sir Charles Coote, that my stock might 1660 
be delivered to him upon security to be responsible where 
it should be adjudged to belong. But Coote was so far 
from satisfying either his own conscience or the Lord 
Broghil in this matter, that fearing I might be in a con- 
dition to call him to account for the injustice he had done 
to me ; he wrote a letter to the King, in which having first 
inveyed against me as the most bitter of all his enemies ; 
he informed him, that dining with me one day at my house, 
I had assured him, that Cromwel had not proceeded to 
extremities against the late King, if I had not pressed him, 
and almost forced him to that resolution : and for confirma- 
tion of the truth of this, he desired that the Lord Broghil, 
who, he said, had dined with me the same day, might be 
interrogated. But when the King asked my Lord Broghil 
concerning this business, he protested, he had not charged 
his memory with any such thing ; adding, that he thought 
it unbecoming a man of honour to remember any thing to 
the prejudice of a gentleman who had spoken freely at his 
own table. 

The army being not yet disbanded, the King thought 
convenient in some measure still to cajeole the Presbyterian 
party; and therefore Mr. Richard Baxter, and Mr. Edmund 
Calamy, were appointed to be his chaplains in ordinary. 
But he could not forbear, on some occasions, to discover 
his contempt of the men of that sort, particularly when 
Mr. Case, who thought he had deserved highly of the 
King, would have pressed with his usual freedom into his 
presence ; and being denied entrance, had sent in his name, 
tho' in answer to his importunity he was admitted ; yet by 
the carriage of those who were present, and derided his 
habit and unmannerly way of approaching the King, he 
might easily perceive how disagreeable his company was 
in that place. Yet the King having demanded what he 
had to say, he told him he had a word of advice to his 
majesty ; and going on to perswade him to a care of his 
party, he was interrupted by the King, who said he did not 
remember that he had made him one of his council. How- 



284 Monk made Duke of Albermarle. 

1660 ever, the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Manchester, 
the Lord Roberts, and Mr. Denzil Hollis, were sworn of 
his Privy Council ; and the Earl of Manchester made 
Chamberlain of the Houshold. But Monk, for a reward 
of his treachery to those who had entrusted him, not only 
received the Garter, but was continued to be General of all 
the forces ; and obtained the parchment honour of Duke 
July 7. of Albermarle, with divers pensions and lands of great 
value. To these favours was added the charge of Master 
of the Horse, which by the industry of his wife, who having 
been an Exchange-woman knew how to drive a bargain, was 
by the sale of places improved to the utmost advantage. 

Having acquainted those who had answered for my 
appearance at the time when they entred into that obliga- 
tion, of my intentions to withdraw my self, if I should find 
my life in danger ; I took care at all times when the House 
was sitting, least I should be surprized and seized by an 
order from them, to cause the gates of my house, which 
were divers, to be well guarded ; and for the most part 
retired to some other place during that time. When the 
House was up, I used to take more liberty, having daily 
advice from some members of what had passed among them. 

The Bill of Indemnity being brought to the Lords, 
a great contention arose concerning the number of persons 
to be excepted ; the widow of Dr. Hewet, with Mrs. Pen- 
ruddock, and divers others solliciting them with such 
importunity for particular satisfaction, on account of their 
relations who had been put to death, that they found 
themselves oblig'd to appoint a committee to hear their 
demands. The Lords also were inclined to revenge their 
own order on the persons of some in the High Court 
of Justice, by whom some of their number had been 
condemn'd, and to except one of the judges for every 
lord they had put to death ; the nomination of the person 
to be excepted being referred to that lord who was most 
nearly related to the person that had suffered. According 
to this rule, Colonel Croxton was nominated by the next 
relation to the Earl of Derby, Major Waring by the kinsman 



The Lords and the Bill of Indemnity. 285 

of another, and Colonel Titchburn by a third : the Earl 1660 
of Denbigh, whose sister had been married to the Duke Au g- 7- 

D ' 

of Hamilton, being desired by the Lords to nominate one 
to be excepted, in satisfaction for the death of his brother- 
in-law, named a person who had been some time dead, of 
which some of the House being inform'd, they called upon 
him to name another ; but he said, that since it had so 
fallen out, he desired to be excused from naming any more 1 . 
This action, tho' seeming to proceed from chance, was 
generally esteemed to have been voluntary, the Earl of 
Denbigh being known to be a generous man, and a lover 
of his country. 

And now the royal party, in the House of Lords, began 
to discover their intentions to except all the King's judges 
from the benefit of the indemnity, which was communicated 
to me by Sir John Winter, secretary to the queen-mother, 
in a visit he made me at my house : he also inform'd me, 
that Sir Henry Vane, Sir Arthur Haslerig, and the Marquis 
of Argyle, had been seized and sent to the Tower by the 
King's order. In conclusion, he said, that whilst the King 
was treating with Monk about his restitution, and con- 
sidering that I was then at the head of the Parliament's 
forces in Ireland, he had acquainted him, that he had no 
greater difficulty to encounter than how to prevent me from 
obstructing the design ; and that he would have given me 
any conditions, to have been assured of my service : from 
all which considerations, he advised me rather to withdraw 
my self, than to submit to the mercy of my enemies. 

Colonel Ingoldsby, on account of his service in the 
suppression of the party that had follow'd Major-General 

1 The House of Lords made of Derby named Col. Croxton; 

elaborate enquiry into the case of Lord Paget, for Lord Holland whose 

the peers executed by High Courts daughter he had married,named John 

of Justice, and on Aug. 2 excepted Blackwell ; Lord Capel, Edmund 

John Blackwell, Col. Thomas Crox- Waring ; and Lord Denbigh, for 

ton, William Wyberd, and Edmund Hamilton who had married his sister, 

Waring from the Act, as having sat named Wyberd. Fifth Report, Hist, 

amongst the judges of the Earl of MSS. Comm. pp. 155, 199, 207. 

Derby, Lord Capel and the Duke of Ludlow's statement about Denbigh 

Hamilton (L. J. xi. 129). The Earl is confirmed by L. J. xi. 136. 



286 Six non-excepted Regicides. 

1660 Lambert, was not excepted from the Act ; nor Colonel 
July 23. Hutchinson, though he had bin as zealous against the late 
King, at the time of his tryal, as any other of his judges. 
But having joyned with Monk in his treacherous design, he 
had obtained a pardon from the King, whilst he was beyond 
sea 1 . It was agreed in the House, that Colonel Adrian 
Scroop and Colonel Lassels should have the benefit of the 
Aug. 6. Act, paying one year's value of their estates. Major Lister 
was not inserted, as was supposed, by the credit and 
interest of Mr. William Pierrepoint ; and Colonel Thom- 
linson was excused upon information given to the House 
Aug. i. by Mr. Seymour, that the late King, when he waited on 
him a day or two before he suffered, signified to him his 
pleasure, that the colonel should receive favour on account 
of his civil carnage to him, during his confinement. But 
the son would not think this to be sufficient for his ex- 
emption ; declaring to some about him, that he ought of 
all men to be excepted, because he had an opportunity, and 
a fair offer to let his father escape, which he refused. On 
this ground the Earl of Litchfield moved for his exception : 
but the Earl of Bristol being engaged for Thomlinson, and 
presuming to be better acquainted with the King's in- 
tentions, undertook to reprove the Earl of Litchfield so 
sharply, that the dispute had almost ended in a quarrel 2 . 

These contestations and delays in finishing the Act of 
Indemnity and Oblivion, made the people not only murmur, 
but begin to doubt, that nothing of that nature would be 
passed for their security; especially, after the Earl of 
Bristol had made a speech in the House of Lords, which 
according to his manner of ostentation he caused to be 
printed 3 ; where after much boasting of his important 
employments abroad, he desired that the Act might pass 
with the exception only of those who had a hand in the 
death of the King, who, he moved, might be more par- 

1 See Hutchinson's petition and ed. 1885, ii. 392. 

the statement drawn up on his * On Thomlinson see 7th Report 

behalf, printed in ^th Report of Hist. MSS. Comm. p. 123. 

Hist. MSS.Comm. p. 120, and in Mrs. 3 Reprinted in the old Parlia- 

Hutchinson's Life of her husband, mentary History, xxii. 388. 



The Lords and the Bill of Indemnity. 287 

ticularly described in another bill to be drawn for that 1660 
purpose. By which no man could know whether he 
intended not, that not only his judges and the members 
who sate after the year 1648, with those who petitioned for 
justice against him, but even all those who had in any way 
contributed to make war for the Parliament should be 
excepted. But the Court having not yet disbanded the 
army, would not venture too far in irritating the people ; 
and therefore pressed that the bill might be hastened to 
a conclusion. 

Great endeavours were used by the friends of those who 
had been excepted in the House of Commons, to procure 
them to be omitted by the Lords : and the Earl of Litch- 
field sollicking the Lord Sturton for his vote in the behalf 
of Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, received his promise to 
that effect, on condition he would engage to be for me on 
the like occasion. Of this the Lord Sturton informed me 
in a visit he and his lady were pleased to make me in that 
conjuncture. 

Having observed which way the Lords inclined, I drew 
up the state of the case, as well as I could, of those who 
had rendred themselves upon the proclamation, accompanied 
with such reasons as then occurr'd to my thoughts, why the 
House of Commons should not agree to any enlargement 
of the exceptions made by them : this paper I design'd 
for the press ; but having sent it to Mr. Henry Martin 
for his opinion, he returned for answer, that unless my 
name were subscribed, the House of Lords would not 
fail to call it a libel ; and therefore advised that it should 
be presented in the form of a petition, upon which I laid 
it aside. 

Divers messages were sent from Whitehall by Hyde and 
others to the Lords, for the dispatch of the bill ; but 
meeting with little success, by reason of many obstructions 
that were continually laid in the way, the King came in 
person to the House, and pressed them to expedition, 
thanking the Lords for excepting those who had been the 
judges of the King his father ; ' who,' he said, ' were guilty of 



288 The Kings speech on the Bill. 

1660 such a crime, that they could not pardon themselves, much 
July 27. i ess expect it from others V By which he not only mani- 
fested his own revengeful temper, and the little regard he 
had to the promise he had made in his proclamation from 
Breda, to refer himself wholly to the Parliament for 
pardoning what had been done during the late troubles ; 
but his imprudence in this so early violation of the privileges 
of the Parliament, by taking notice of what was depending 
in the two Houses, before it came to be judicially presented 
to him ; and by that means fomenting a division between 
them concerning an affair in which he himself was principally 
interested. He told them, 'other ways might be found to 
meet with those who were of turbulent and factious spirits ' ; 
insinuating, if I mistake not, that his intentions were not to 
be guided by the direction of the laws, but that he had some 
secret reserves to render the Act of Indemnity insignificant ; 
concluding with desires, that they would be careful to make 
provision for his Irish subjects, who had manifested great 
affection to him during his exile ; expressing the same zeal 
in the latter part of his speech for the bloody Irish rebels, 
as he had done in the former, against those who had dared 
to defend the liberties of England. And by this means 
the Irish grew immediately to that confidence, that one 
Fitz-harris publickly affirmed in Westminster Hall, that they 
were the best subjects the King had ; and for that reason 
should be soon restored to the possession of their lands ; 
of which the House being informed, they committed him 
to the Gate-house ; but after two days, he was by 
the prevalency of the court faction discharged from his 
imprisonment. 

The King, who had not only an inclination to re-establish 
the Irish in their estates, but had by a treaty formerly made 
with them, obliged himself to that condition, found no 
small difficulty to carry fair with those of the army, who 
were concerned in the confiscated lands. He was not 
willing to send any one into that government, who should 
be ungrateful to the Irish ; and durst not employ such as 

1 Old Parliamentary History, xxii. 397. 



Irish and Scotch affairs. 289 

he and they desired, for fear of the English : for an 1660 
expedient therefore, it was proposed that the Lord Roberts 
should be sent as Deputy to Monk, who when he contracted 
to sell his masters, had desired the Lieutenancy of Ireland 
for himself: but being told, that if he would have that em- 
ployment, he must go over and execute it in his own 
person ; he thought not convenient to accept it on those 
terms, apprehending that it would be no hard matter to 
supplant and ruin him in his absence. However, the 
Lord Roberts had the title of Deputy, and was addressed 
by that name ; but finding he had only served for a 
present occasion, he desired to be recalled from that 
employment. 

Finding my friends to grow every day more apprehensive 
of the dangers that threatned me, I removed from my 
house ; and on this occasion received a signal testimony of 
the friendship of Chief Justice Coke, who being little 
sollicitous for himself, solemnly protested in a message he 
sent me, that if he were in no hazard on this occasion, 
he would willingly lay down his life to secure mine, who he 
was pleased to say, might be more useful to the publick, 
than he could hope to be. 

The Earl of Antrim, an Irish papist, and principally con- 
cerned in the rebellion of that country, had been seized at 
the same time with the Marquis of Argyle,tho' for a different 
reason ; the latter for his services in the cause of liberty and 
religion, the former for unseasonably affirming, that the 
Irish were authorized by the late King to act as they had 
done. Both these lords coming to London to congratulate 
the restitution of the King, were sent to the Tower ; the 
Laird of Swintown was also made prisoner, and sent in 
custody to the same place. The cause of his seizure was 
at first reported to be for designing to stab the King, as 
he was pretending to cure the disease called the King's 
evil : but afterwards they changed their language, and gave 
out that it was for deserting the Scots after the battle of 
Dunbar, and rendring himself to Oliver Cromwell. Sir 
Henry Vane and Sir Arthur Haslerig were also seized, 

VOL. II. U 



290 The Lords and the Act of Indemnity. 

1660 under the pretext that they had endeavoured to persuade 
divers officers of the army to form a party in order to 
oppose the present power. But this soon appeared to be 
a fiction, and that the design was to take away their lives 
by any means ; the King, when he heard they were in 
custody, offering to lay a wager they should not escape. 
Colonel Axtel, who had behaved himself honestly and 
bravely in the service of the Commonwealth, was about 
the same time trapann'd by a Cavalier under pretence of 
treating with him for the purchase of some lands, and sent 
prisoner to the Tower. 

The Lords being pressed, as I mention'd before, to dispatch 
the Act of Indemnity, came at last to this result, touching 
the twenty persons proposed by the Commons to be 
excepted from all other benefit of the Act except only as 
Aug. i. to life, that Sir Henry Vane, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Major- 
General Lambert, and Colonel Axtel, should be excepted 
both as to life and estate ; the other sixteen to be made un- 
capable of any office or employment in church or state. 
The news of this resolution being carried to the King by 
the Duke of York, the Duke of Buckingham, and Monk, he 
openly expressed his joy; and when they told him, that 
the Chief Justice St. Johns had narrowly escaped, he 
wish'd he had been added also ; of which particulars I re- 
ceived information by a person of honour then present, 
immediately after they had parted. 

The next thing to be considered, was how to treat those 
of the late King's judges who had rendred themselves upon 
the proclamation, which held no long debate ; those who 
were inclined to do that which was just, decent and 
reasonable, being far the lesser number : yet the Earl of 
Southampton had the courage to move, that since it was 
not thought fit to secure the lives of those who had been 
induced to surrender their persons upon the faith of the 
proclamation, they ought at least to give them the like 
number of days for saving themselves, as were appointed 
by that paper for their coming in : but Finch, who had 
formerly fled from the justice of the Parliament, opposed 



Debates on the Lords amendments. 291 

that motion, and said, that by such means they might be 1660 
enabled to do more mischief (as he knew had happened in 
jiis own case) : upon this, Mr. Thomas Challoner, with 
those of the judges who had rendred themselves, were put 
into the exception for life and estate ; Sir Henry Mildmay, 
Mr. Robert Wallop, the Lord Mounson, Sir James 
Harrington, Mr. James Challoner, and Mr. John Phelps, 
were excepted from receiving any benefit of their estates, 
and subjected to such farther punishments as should be 
inflicted upon them, their lives only to be preserved : 
Colonel Hacker, who was one of those to whom the warrant Aug. i. 
of the High Court of Justice for the execution of the King 
had been directed, together with Mr. Hugh Peters, and the 
two persons who were in mask upon the scaffold when he 
was beheaded, were excepted by the Lords both for life 
and estate. 

The Bill l with these alterations being sent down to the Aug. 10. 
House of Commons for their concurrence, they seemed un- 
willing to sacrifice those, who upon invitation and promise 
of favour, had rendred themselves ; and therefore refused to 
consent to the exception of Sir Arthur Haslerig, Sir Henry 
Vane, and Major-General Lambert from the benefit of the 
Act as to their lives ; some of them saying in the House, 
that those gentlemen having had no immediate hand in the 
death of the King, there was as much reason to except 
most of themselves. Yet they agreed to except Colonel 
Daniel Axtel, Mr. Hugh Peters, and the rest as desired. 
And to shew their readiness to gratify the revenge of those 
at the helm with the blood of as many as they could find 
any colour to abandon ; being inform'd that Mr. John 
Carew, who had not at all conceal'd himself, had been 
seized by a warrant from a justice of the peace ; that his 
name being mistaken in the warrant, and the officer re- 
fusing to detain him till that error should be amended, 

1 The Bill of Indemnity passed the with their amendments. For the 

Commons on July n, and the Lords debates concerning these amend- 

having read it for the third time on ments, see Old Parliamentary His- 

Aug. 10, sent it back to the Commons tory, xxii. 419. 

U 2 



292 The cases of Carew and Scroop. 

1660 Mr. Carew had told him that he was, as he conceiv'd, the 
person designed to be seized, and therefore acquainted him 
with the place to which he was going ; yet for all this (tho' 
happening within the fourteen days limited by the pro- 
clamation, and on the way to London, where such persons 
were directed to render themselves) the major part of the 
Aug. 23. House of Commons voted this not to be a surrender, and 
excepted him both in life and estate l . Mr. Gregory 
Clement being already a prisoner in the Tower, was put 
into the same condition : and Colonel Adrian Scroop, tho' 
he had rendred himself within the time limited by the 
June 9. proclamation, and tho' the Commons had declared them- 
selves contented with the forfeiture of a year's value of his 
Aug. 28. estate ; yet upon information from that renegado Brown, 
of some private discourse between them, in which the 
colonel, as he said, had justified the part he had in doing 
justice upon the late King ; they condemn'd him without 
a hearing, and added him to the exception both in respect 
to life and estate : an action of such a nature, that I shall 
forbear to give it the name it deserves. But the King not 
satisfied with these sacrifices, greedy of revenge, and for- 
getting his message from Breda, encouraged his creatures 
in the House of Lords to insist upon their exceptions ; but 
the Commons being averse to break the publick faith in 
every particular, a conference of both Houses was appointed 
in which some of the lower House pressing the promise of 
the proclamation, the Chancellor presumed to affirm, that 
the proclamation was only in the nature of a subpoena : 
but the Commons were not satisfied with this definition. 

Having received advice from divers persons of honour, 
that the court was enraged that I had not been excepted, 
and that Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower, had declared 
his resolution to move the House that their prisoners in the 
Serjeant's custody might be committed to the Tower, my 
servants having also acquainted me that the Serjeant had 
endeavoured to inform himself if I continued still at my 

1 On Carew's case see Old Parliamentary History, xxii. 455 and C. J. 
viii. 50, 52. 



Death of Sir John Bourchier. 293 

house, I resolved not to appear any more in publick ; and 1660 
having the offer of a house near Richmond for my retire- 
ment I went down thither, where I passed some days very 
quietly, and had the advantage of walking in the park. 
Having one day made an excursion as far as Major-General 
Lambert's house at Wimbleton, I perceived words to this 
effect written on the out-side of a banqueting-house, ' The 
way to ruin enemies, is to divide their councils ' ; which 
lesson had he practised, the confusions brought upon the 
nation had possibly been avoided. 

During these contests between the two Houses, touching 
the exceptions to be made, Sir John Bourchier, who had 
been one of the King's judges, and had rendred himself 
within the time limited by the proclamation, being of 
a great age and very infirm, was permitted to lodge at 
a private house belonging to one of his daughters. In this 
place he was seiz'd with so dangerous a fit of illness, that 
those about him who were his nearest relations, despairing 
of his recovery, and presuming that an acknowledgment 
from him of his sorrow, for the part he had in the con- 
demnation of the King, might tend to procure some favour 
to them from those in power, they earnestly pressed him to 
give them that satisfaction. But he being highly displeased 
with their request, rose suddenly from his chair, which for 
some days he had not been able to do without assistance ; 
and receiving fresh vigour from the memory of that action, 
said, 'I tell you, it was a just act; God and all good men 
will own it.' And having thus expressed himself, he sate Aug. 
down again, and soon after quietly ended his life. 

The court party among the Commons, tho' they could 
not bring the House to an intire violation of the publick 
faith ; yet so far prevailed that they consented to sacrifice 
the estate and liberty of Sir Arthur Haslerig ; and that Aug. 24. 
Sir Henry Vane, with Major-General Lambert should be 
excepted both for life and estate, with this reserve, that if 
upon tryal they shall be found guilty, the two Houses then 
to join in a petition to the King for the pardon of their 
lives. But the Lords finding they could not bring the 



294 The t w Houses finally agree. 

1660 Commons to a full compliance in the matter of exceptions, 
desired another conference ; which being agreed, the 
Au s- 2 f- Chancellor, after he had endeavoured to persuade them 
that the difference between the two Houses was rather in 
form than substance, offer'd for an expedient, that no 
sentence to be pronounced against any of those that had 
been added by the Lords, should be executed otherwise 
than by Act of Parliament ; telling them he assured him- 
self they would accept this proposition, and hoped also 
that none of the King's judges, who after their surrender, 
might withdraw themselves from their protection, should 
participate of this favour ; which last clause I took to be 
particularly levell'd at me, having been informed that the 
Serjeant's deputy, attended with souldiers, had very lately 
searched my house. 

At last the Commons, partly from inclination and partly 
Aug. 24. for their own safety, consented to pass the alterations as 
they had been made by the Lords ; (or rather by the 
King) which business being over, the House order'd the 
Aug. 24. Serjeant at Arms to deliver those of the King's judges 
who were in his custody, into the hands of the Lieutenant 
of the Tower. They were Colonel Adrian Scroop, Mr. Wil- 
liam Heveningham, Mr. George Fleetwood, Colonel James 
Temple, Mr. Peter Temple, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Simon 
Mayne, Colonel Thomas Wayte, Colonel John Downs, 
Colonel Vincent Potter, Mr. Henry Martin, Colonel 
Edmund Harvey, Alderman Isaac Pennington, Mr. Gilbert 
Millington, Colonel Robert Lilborn, Mr. Augustin Garland, 
and Colonel Owen Roe. Sir Hardress Waller, who had 
been in France, return'd to England upon the proclamation 
and rendred himself; but finding his surrender not like to 
answer his expectation, he had withdrawn together with 
Alderman Tichburn from the Serjeant at Arms ; yet upon 
farther consideration, they both came in. So that when 
by order of the House, the Serjeant was called to give an 
account of his prisoners, and had acquainted them that 
I was not to be found, a motion was made to add my 
name to those who were excepted both for life and estate : 



Attempts to persuade Ludlow to surrender. 295 

but one Mr. Swanton a member of this House, and my 1660 
country-man 1 , moving, that before they should proceed to 
extremities, they would examine the bond I had given for 
my appearance, to see if I had broken the condition ; they 
let it drop for that time, hoping that by this seeming 
gentleness I might be persuaded to submit. 

Information of these things being sent to me by the 
above-mention'd Mr. Swanton and Colonel Henley, who 
was also a member 2 , I repair'd privately to London, in 
order to consult with some friends touching the course 
I should take in this conjuncture. Upon which my wife 
went to Sir Harbottle Grimeston, then Speaker of the 
House ; and finding him still to persist in his advice for my 
surrender, she took the liberty to say, that she apprehended 
great danger in that counsel ; because she thought those, 
who to gratifie the Court, had already so far receded from 
their own resolutions, and permitted that persons who had 
rendred themselves upon the faith of the late proclamation, 
should be excepted both as to life and estate, tho' with the 
limitation mentioned, might justly be suspected of being 
capable to be drawn yet farther ; and to consent, that 
after they should be declared guilty, an act might pass for 
putting the sentence in execution. But tho' it were 
supposed that this House would never be induced to such 
an action ; yet they might be dissolved, and the persons 
excepted kept in prison, till such should be procured to sit 
in that place who would not be so scrupulous ; especially 
since it was visible that the clause of limitation was so 
doubtful, that it might afford a pretence for interpreting it 
to be intended not only of this, but of any Parliament that 
should think fit to use their power against the persons 
excepted. The Speaker seemed much offended with this 
discourse ; and going down the stairs with her, told her he 
would wash his hands of my blood, by assuring her, that if 
I would surrender my self, my life would be as safe as his 
own ; but if I refused to hearken to his advice, and should 

1 John Swanton, member for 2 Henry Henley, member for Brid- 

Wilton. port. 



296 Ludlow resolves to leave England. 

1660 happen to be seized, I was like to be the first man they 
would execute, and she to be left the poorest widow in 
England. But another of my friends who was well ac- 
quainted with the designs of the Court, and had all along 
advised me not to trust their favour ; now repeated his 
persuasions to withdraw out of England, assuring, that if 
I staid I was lost ; and that the same fate attended Sir 
Henry Vane and others, notwithstanding all engagements 
to the contrary. He added, that there was a design on 
foot to seize the estates of all those who had been out-law'd 
in the late King's time, of which number my father having 
been one, it would be difficult for me to escape ruin on that 
account x . The advice of my friend whom I had always 
found to be entirely sincere, and knew to be well inform'd of 
affairs, was of great weight to induce me to resolve upon 
departing from England ; in which resolution I was con- 
firmed by the friendly counsel of the Lord Ossery, eldest 
son to the Marquiss of Ormond, who with divers others 
that had observed the inconstancy and irresolution, to say 
no worse, of those in the House of Commons, in sacrificing 
Mr. Carew and Colonel Scroop to the revenge of the 
enemy, concurr'd in giving the same advice. 

The time appointed for my departure from England 
being come, after I had settled my affairs in the best 
manner I could, and taken leave of my dearest friends and 
relations, I went into a coach about the close of the day, 
and passing through the City over London-Bridge to 
St. George's Church in Southwark, I found a person ready 
to receive me with two horses, one of which I mounted and 

1 'The last week Ludlow went mons of England, of which he hoped 

from the Serjeant at Arms, left a they would be careful ; that when- 

letter directed to the Speaker, told ever the House of Commons signified 

him that he had withdrawn himself, their pleasure, and that they would 

not out of distaste to the House of maintain what they had promised, 

Commons upon whose words he had upon notice left at a place he named, 

rendered himself, but that he saw he would readily return to the place 

blood was thirsted for by those, who from whence he went.' Thomas 

hardly ever had attempted to draw Gower to Sir Richard Leveson, 

any in either sort, and that attempted Aug. 14, 1660, 5th Rep. Hist. MSS. 

to invade the liberties of the Com- Comm. p. 194. 



His voyage to France. 297 

began my journey. My guide was so well acquainted with 1660 
the country, that we avoided all the considerable towns on 
the road, where we suspected any souldiers might be 
quartered ; and the next morning by break of day we 
arrived at Lewis without interruption. On the Tuesday 
following, a small vessel being prepared for my transporta- 
tion, I went on board ; but the wind blowing hard and the 
vessel having no deck, I removed into another that had 
been provided for me by a merchant of Lewis, and was 
struck upon the sands as she was falling down to receive 
me. This vessel had carried over Mr. Richard Cromwel 
some weeks before, and lay very commodiously for my 
safety on that occasion ; for after I had enter'd into her to 
secure my self from the weather, till I might put to 
sea in the other, the searchers came on board my small 
vessel to see what she carried, omitting to search that in 
which I was, not suspecting any person or thing to be in 
her, because she was struck upon the sands. But the storm 
still continuing, and the men thinking not fit to put to sea, 
we continued in the harbour all that day and the night 
following ; the master, who had used the ports of Ireland 
whilst I had been in that country, among other things, 
enquiring if Lieutenant-General Ludlow were not impri- 
soned with the rest of the King's judges ; to which I 
answer'd, that I had not heard of any such thing. 

The next morning we set sail, and had the wind so 
favourable, that we arrived in the harbour of Diepe that 
evening before the gates were shut ; where going ashore 
I was conducted by the master, to the house of one 
Madame de Caux to whom I was recommended, where 
I was received with all possible demonstrations of civility ; 
the gentlewoman leaving it to my choice either to continue 
at her habitation in Diepe, or to go to her house in the 
country; which last I chose to do, as well that I might 
enjoy the liberty of taking the air, as to avoid the Irish 
who were in great numbers in the town, and who probably 
might have seen me in Ireland when I served the Parlia- 
ment. I had not been many days in this place, when 



298 Ludlows journey through France. 

1660 I received letters from England with a printed proclamation 
Sept. i. inclosed, taking notice that I had withdrawn my self from 
the officer's custody, forbidding any person to receive or 
entertain me under pain of high displeasure ; requiring all 
persons to seize and secure my person, and proposing the 
sum of three hundred pounds as a reward for those who 
should perform this service *. These letters accompanied 
with the earnest desires of my friends for my removal to 
some place more distant from England, obliged me to 
think of leaving that place ; and accordingly having pre- 
pared my self for my journey, and taking leave of the 
good family where I had been so kindly received and 
entertain'd, I set forward for Geneva, and passing by 
Rouen, a place of great trade and the seat of one of the 
French Parliaments, I arrived in three days at Paris. In 
this town I viewed such things as were accounted remark- 
able, passing several days in this exercise. The Louvre 
seemed to me rather like a garrison than a court, being 
very full of soldiers and dirt. I saw the King's stable 
of horses, which tho not extraordinarily furnished, gave me 
more pleasure than I should have received by seeing their 
master, who thinks fit to treat them better than his miserable 
people. But I loathed to see such numbers of idle drones, 
who in ridiculous habits, wherein they place a great part 
of their religion, are to be seen in every part, eating the 
bread of the credulous multitude, and leaving them to be 
distinguished from the inhabitants of other countries by thin 
cheeks, canvas clothing and wooden-shoes. 

Having made what stay I thought necessary in Paris, 
and taken bills of exchange for Geneva, I departed for 
Lyons in the company of a German lord, from whom 

1 The proclamation for Ludlow's nevertheless hath since escaped 

arrest begins by reciting that by the from out the custody of the Serjeant 

king's proclamation of June 6, the at Arms attending on the House of 

Regicideswerecalledontosurrender Commons, and is fled, or doth 

themselves within fourteen days. obscure himself to evade the justice 

'And whereas Edmund Ludlow, of a legal tryal.' Dated Whitehall, 

Esq., being one of the persons therein Sept. i, 1660. 
named, did thereupon render himself, 



He arrives at Geneva. 299 

I received great civilities during the journey. Being 1660 
arrived at Lyons, tho the rest of the company were 
examined, and obliged to give in their names ; yet, by 
I know not what accident, none of the officers asked me 
any question of that nature, but permitted me to go quietly 
to the inn that had been taken up for us, where we were no 
sooner enter'd, when divers fryars of different orders crowded 
in to beg or rather command something ; one of these 
behaving himself in so lewd a manner, to a youth who 
came in our company from Paris, as obliged me to shew 
my resentment of his impudence. The next day after my 
arrival at Lyons, I set forward for Geneva, continuing my 
journey without interruption, till I came to the Recluse, 
[1'Ecluse], about six leagues distant from that city, where 
the King of France maintains a garrison because it lies upon 
his frontier. Here I was informed they would examin us 
strictly, and oblige us to lodge our arms with them ; but 
they only desired mony to drink, which I willingly gave. 
The same day I passed the river Rhosne, and under- 
stood that I was then within the territories of Geneva, 
which was no small satisfaction to me, hoping I might 
enjoy some measure of quiet in that free city, and perhaps 
the society of some of my friends and countrymen; 
divers of whom I knew had been necessitated to retire 
into foreign parts. 

At Geneva I took up my lodgings in the house of one 
Monsieur Perrot, who having served in the army of the 
Parliament understood the English tongue ; and having 
heard that Mr. William Cawley, an able and antient member 
of Parliament, had passed through part of France, I hoped 
to find him in this place ; but upon inquiry, I was informed, 
that there were no English men in the town, except one 
Mr. Felton and his servant. In the house where I lodged, 
the mistress being an English woman, I found good beer, 
which was a great refreshment to me, after the fatigue of 
my journey, and constant use of wines, by which my body 
had been much distempered with rheums. The next day 
after my arrival, I received a bill of exchange, inclosed in 



3<DO The search for Ludlow. 

1660 a letter from Monsieur Marga, a banker of Paris, for six 
hundred crowns, payable by a merchant of Geneva; but 
having a considerable sum remaining, of the stock I brought 
with me from London, and received no advice of that supply, 
I writ to Monsieur Marga, to keep the mony in his hands 
till I should receive letters from my friends. 

I had not been here many days, before I was informed, 
that various reports had been raised, in England, concerning 
me ; some saying that I had been taken as I was endeavour- 
ing to make my escape in a disguise ; others, that upon 
notice given that I was concealed at the house of a country- 
man, some persons coming to seize me, and offering mony 
to that purpose, the man of the house refusing the offer, had 
caused me to be conveyed from thence by a private way J . 
These things being believed by many, served to amuse my 
enemies, who suspected me to be still in England, and 
doubting the fidelity of the army, doubled their diligence 
to find me out. But my friends and relations being advised 
of my retirement, were not at all disturbed at their 
proceedings. 

Sept. 13. The Convention before their adjournment, had referred 
to the King the things in dispute between the Episcopal 
and Presbyterian parties, who in prosecution of their desires, 
required them to consider, how far each party could con- 
descend for mutual accommodation. The Presbyterians 
finding the tyde to be against them, agreed with the 
bishops in many particulars, desiring only to be dispensed 
with in wearing the surplice, reading some parts of the 

1 Ludlow's arrest was confidently was Major-Gen. Ludlow taken at 
reported. Mercurius Politicus for one Michael Oldsworth his house, 
Sept. 3-10, i66o,saysat theend: 'We secretary to the late Earl of Pern- 
have omitted the proclamation for broke ; Ludlow married this Olds- 
^300 to any that should apprehend worth his sister ; he got out of the 
Col. Edmund Ludlow, in regard we house, but was taken endeavouring 
hear from very good hands he is to make his escape.' On Sept. n 
already in custody.' Cf. Cal. S. P., it is reported, ' Ludlow was nearly 
Dom., 1660-1, pp. 314, 412, 495. taken; they took his hat and the 
Reports of his arrest were rife also coats and cloaks of two or three 
in Dec. 1660. A Letter of Dec. 4 that were with him ; ' 5th Rep. Hist, 
says, ' On Saturday night at midnight MSS. Comm. pp. 158, 169, 201. 



Presbyterians and Episcopalians. 301 

liturgy, and using some ceremonies ; on which conditions 1660 
they promised to subject themselves to the bishops, as 
superintendents of the Church, if some ministers might 
be joyned with them in the act of ordination. These 
propositions and condescentions being communicated to 
the bishops, and those of the bishops to the Presbyterians, 
it was soon perceived, by discerning men, that these two 
competitors for ecclesiastical power and riches, would not 
be easily brought to agree. However, the King thinking 
fit to temporise, as long as the army was on foot, appointed 
a conference between the disagreeing parties, at which he 
was present in person ; where tho the bishops appeared as 
inflexible as before, yet the King, for the reason above- 
mentioned, thought convenient to publish a declaration, Oct. 25. 
forbidding the liturgy, surplice and some ceremonies, to 
be imposed upon those who should be unwilling to use 
them. Which shew of moderation took so much with the 
Presbyterians, who were ready to stretch their consciences 
to the utmost, that they presented their humble thanks to 
him for this favour. The like method was observed to lay 
those asleep who had purchased the Church-lands, and who 
promised themselves full satisfaction, according to the 
message from Breda ; commissioners being appointed to 
that end. But after they had sate once or twice, and heard Oct. 7. 
bitter invectives against the late sales, as sacrilegious, the 
purchasers finding them for the most part to be of the 
same opinion, were quite discouraged from any farther 
prosecution of that matter. 

In the mean time the business of the country gentlemen Sept. 13- 
who were members of this Convention, was, during their Nov - 6 - 
adjournment, to be assisting in the raising those great 
sums of mony they had laid upon the people; for the 
payment of which, the intended disbanding of the army 
afforded a most plausible pretence, that the laws, as they 
said, might run in their proper channel, without impediment 
or controll : but indeed that the men in power might deliver 
themselves from the fear of those who had reduced the 
government within its proper channel, and that the word 



3O2 The arraignment of the Regicides. 

1660 of their King, with the assistance of an inconsiderate party, 
might pass for a law without controll. 

The first letters I received from England, after my 
arrival at Geneva, informed me that Major -General 
Harrison, Mr. John Carew, Chief Justice Coke, Mr. Hugh 
Peters, Mr. Thomas Scot, Mr. Gregory Clement, Colonel 
Adrian Scroop, Colonel John Jones, Colonel Francis Hacker, 
and Colonel Daniel Axtel being accused of having con- 
tributed in their several stations, to the death of the King, 
had been condemned and executed. This important business 
had been delayed during the time that Mr. Love was to 
continue Sheriff of London, he being no way to be induced, 
either for fear or hopes, to permit juries to be pack'd in 
order to second the designs of the Court l . But after new 
sheriffs had been chosen, more proper to serve the present 
occasion, a commission for hearing and determining this 
matter, was directed to thirty-four persons, of whom fifteen 
had actually engaged for the Parliament, against the late 
King ; either as members of Parliament, judges or officers 
in their army ; most, if not all of them, the Lord Mayor 
excepted, having been put into places of trust and profit 
since the late revolution. 

Colonel George Monk being commissionated to be of 
this number, was not ashamed to sit among them, any 
more than Mr. Denzil Hollis and the Earl of Manchester, 
who having been two of the six members designed by the 
late King for destruction, before the beginning of the war, and 
therefore personally concerned in the quarrel, had con- 
tributed the utmost of their endeavours to engage divers 
of the gentlemen (upon whom they were now to sit as 
judges) on that side, were not contented to abandon them 
in this change, but assisted in condemning them to dye for 
their fidelity to that cause, which themselves had betrayed. 
Mr. Arthur Annesley who had been also a member of the 

1 Alderman William Love, sheriff election as a shock to the court party 

1656-60, was M.P. for London 1661, (Diary, March 20, 1661) ; see also 

thought to be an Anabaptist accord- Cal. S. P., Dom., 1660-1, pp. 535- 

ing to Pepys, who comments on his 543 ; Wilson, Life of Defoe, i. 58. 



Sir Orlando Bridgmaris charge. 303 

Parliament, whilst they made war against the King, was 1660 
also one of this number. Finch who had been accused 
of high treason twenty years before, by a full Parliament, 
and who by flying from their justice had saved his life, 
was appointed to judge some of those who should have 
been his judges ; and Sir Orlando Bridgman, who upon his 
submission to Cromwel had been permitted to practise the 
law in a private manner, and under that colour had served 
both as spy and agent for his master, was entrusted with 
the principal management of this tragical scene ; and in his 
charge to the Grand Jury, had the assurance to tell them, 
' That no authority, no single person, or community of men ; 
not the people collectively or representatively, had any 
coercive power over the King of England.' For proof 
of which assertion he cited Spencers case in the time of 
Edward the II. And after-ages may with as much reason cite 
the proceedings of this Court for precedents of the same kind. 

All things being prepared, and the Court assembled at the Oct. 9. 
Session-house in the Old Bailey, Sir Hardress Waller, 
Major-General Harrison and Mr. Heveningham were order'd Oct. 10. 
to be set to the bar, where the inditement being read, con- 
taining many strange expressions, it was contrived that 
Sir Hardress Waller (who was known to be a man that 
would say any thing to save his life, and was prepared 
to that purpose) should be first demanded whether he were 
guilty or not guilty. Which being done, he after a little 
shifting, according to the expectation of the Bench, pleaded 
guilty, taking the blood which had been shed during his 
employments in the army upon his own head. But when 
Major-General Harrison was required to answer, he not 
only pleaded not guilty, but justified the sentence passed 
upon the King, and the authority of those who had 
commissionated him to act as one of his judges. He Oct. n. 
plainly told them, when witnesses were produced against 
him, that he came not thither with an intention to deny 
any thing he had done, but rather to bring it to light, 
owning his name subscribed to the warrant for executing 
the King, to be written by himself ; charging divers of those 



304 The trial of Major-General Harrison. 

1660 who sate on the Bench, as his judges, to have been formerly 
as active for the cause, in which he had engaged, as himself 
or any other person ; affirming that he had not acted by 
any other motive than the principles of conscience and 
justice ; for proof of which he said it was well known, he 
had chosen to be separated from his family, and to suffer 
a long imprisonment, rather than to comply with those who 
had abused the power they had assumed to the oppression 
of the people. He insisted that having done nothing, in 
relation to the matter in question, otherwise than by the 
authority of the Parliament, he was not justly accountable, 
either to this or any other inferior Court ; which being 
a point of law, he desired to have council assigned upon 
that head ; but the Court over-ruled ; and by interrupting 
him frequently, and not permitting him to go on in his 
defence, they clearly manifested a resolution of gratifying 
the resentments of the Court upon any terms. So that 
a hasty verdict was brought in against him, and the question 
being asked, if he had any thing to say, why judgment should 
not pass, he only said, that since the Court had refused to 
hear what was fit for him to speak in his defence, he had 
no more to say ; upon which Bridgman pronounced the 
sentence. And that the inhumanity of these men may the 
better appear, I must not omit, that the executioner in an 
ugly dress, with a halter in his hand, was placed near the 
Major-General, and continued there during the whole time 
of his tryal, which action I doubt whether it was ever 
equall'd by the most barbarous nations. But having 
learn'd to contemn such baseness, after the sentence had 
been pronounc'd against him, he said aloud as he was 
withdrawing from the Court, that he had no reason to be 
ashamed of the cause in which he had been engaged *. 

1 ' As he was carried away from Speeches, and Prayers, &c., of those 

the Court through the crowd the persons lately executed. Ludlow 

people shouted, and he cryed, good in the following pages seems to have 

is the Lord for all this ; I have no had before his eyes this popular 

cause to be ashamed of the cause tract and the printed account of the 

that I have been engaged in ; ' A Trials of the Regicides, 
compleat collection of the Lives, 






The trial of John Carew. 305 

This sentence was so barbarously executed, that he was 1660 
cut down alive, and saw his bowels thrown into the fire. Oct. 13. 

Mr. John Carew was a gentleman of an ancient family in 
the county of Cornwall, educated in one of the universities, 
and at the Inns of Court. He had a plentiful estate, and 
being chosen to serve in the Great Parliament, he was 
elected into the Council of State, and employ'd in many 
important affairs ; in which he shewed great ability. He 
found the same usage from the Court as Major-General Oct. 12. 
Harrison had done, being frequently interrupted, and 
council denied, tho' earnestly desired by him in that point 
of law touching the authority by which he had acted : 
when he saw that all he could say was to no purpose, he 
frankly acknowledged that he sate in the High Court of 
Justice, and had signed two warrants, one for summoning 
the Court in order to the King's tryal, and another for 
his execution. Upon this the Court, who were well 
acquainted with the disposition of the jury, permitting 
him to speak, he said that 'in the year 1640, a Parliament 
was called according to the laws and constitution of this 
nation: that some differences arising between the King and 
that Parliament, the King withdrew his person from them ; 

upon which the Lords and Commons declared ' Here the 

Court being conscious that their cobweb-coverings were not 
sufficient to keep out the light of those truths he was going 
to produce, contrary to the liberty they had promised, 
interrupted him, under colour that what he was about to 
say, tended not only to justifie the action for which he 
was accused, but to cast a ball of division among those 
who were present. But Mr. Carew going on to say, ' The 

Lords and Commons by their declaration' ' Judge 

Foster interrupted him again, and told him he endeavour'd 
to revive those differences which he hoped were laid asleep, 
and that he did so to blow the trumpet of sedition ; 
demanding if he had ever heard, or could produce an Act 
of Parliament made by the Commons alone. To this he 
would have answered, but was not permitted to finish what 
he began to say, or hardly any one thing he endeavour'd to 

VOL. II. X 



306 The trial of Adrian Scroop. 

1660 speak in his defence during the whole tryal ; Mr. Arthur 
Annesley particularly charging him with the exclusion of 
the members in the year 1648, of which number he had 
been one ; to which he only replied, ' That it seemed strange 
to find a man who sate as a judge on the bench to give 
evidence as a witness in the Court.' These irregular 
proceedings unbecoming a court of judicature, obliged 
Mr. Carew to address himself to the jury, leaving them 
to judge of the legality of his tryal ; and appealing to their 
consciences, whether he had been permitted to make his 
defence. But they who were not to be diverted from the 
resolutions they had taken, without any regard to the 
manner of his tryal, declared him guilty as he was accused. 
Oct. 12. Colonel Adrian Scroop was accused for sitting as one of 
the judges in the High Court of Justice, when the King was 
brought to answer as a prisoner at the bar, for signing one 
warrant for summoning that Court together, and another 
for the execution of the King. He denied nothing of this, 
but pleaded the authority of the Parliament in his justifica- 
tion ; denying that he had been acted by any motive of 
malice as the inditement had untruly suggested ; and 
asserting, that in what he had done relating to the King, 
he had follow'd the light of his reason and the dictates of 
his conscience. At this tryal the principal witness was 
that Brown, who having been Major-General in the service 
of the Parliament, and mention'd already in this work to 
be of a mercenary spirit, was now brought to betray 
a private conversation ; and to depose, that talking one 
day with Colonel Adrian Scroop in the Speaker's chamber, 
and telling him that the condition of the nation was sad 
since the murther of the King, the Colonel had answer'd, 
that men had different opinions touching that matter ; and 
being desired by the said Brown to explain himself, he told 
him, he should not make him his confessor. Tho' this 
evidence be in appearance very insignificant ; yet having 
influenced the House of Commons, as I mention'd before, 
'tis not to be admir'd if it took effect with a jury in an 
inferiour court, who taking every thing said against the 



The trial of Thomas Scot. 307 

person accused for substantial proof, made no scruple of 1660 
bringing him in guilty of treason. 

Mr. Thomas Scot was on the same day brought to Oct. 12. 
a tryal, or rather to receive the sentence of condemnation \ 
He was charged with sitting in the High Court of Justice 
at the King's tryal, with signing the two warrants above- 
mention'd ; and desiring that the following inscription 
might be engraved upon his monument, ' Here lies Thomas 
Scot, who adjudg'd the late King to die.' Divers witnesses 
were produced to prove these things ; and among them 
Mr. William Lenthal, Speaker to the Parliament, who, tho' 
when the King enter'd the House of Commons, and had 
demanded of him the Five Members, he knew how to 
answer, ' that he had neither ears to hear, eyes to see, or 
mouth to speak except what the House gave,' could now J an - 4- 
appear as evidence against Mr. Scot for words spoken in 42 
Parliament, which he was conscious to himself was a high 
breach of privilege ; acquainting the Court, that the person 
accused, had justified in the House the proceedings against 
the King. Mr. Scot said in his defence, that whatever had 
been spoken in the House ought not to be given in 
evidence against him, not falling under the cognizance of 
any inferior court, as all men knew : that for what he had 
done in relation to the King, he had the authority of the 
Parliament for his justification : that the Court had no 
right to declare whether that authority were a Parliament 
or not ; and being demanded to produce one instance to 
shew that the House of Commons was ever possess'd of 
such an authority, he assured them he could produce many. 
But having begun with the Saxon times, he was interrupted 
by the Court, and told that the things of those ages were 

1 The words about the King's remember the words about having it 
execution alleged against Scot were written on his tomb. Another wit- 
witnessed to by four witnesses, three ness, Sir Theophilus Biddulph, said 
of whom testified that the words that the words were used in Richard's 
were spoken at the close of the Parliament in Jan. or Feb. 1659, 
Long Parliament. Lenthal asserted referring no doubt to the speech 
that on the very last day of the Long printed in Burton's Diary, iii. 109. 
Parliament (March 16) Scot justified See Ludlow's own version, p. 250. 
the King's execution, but did not 

X 2 



308 Mr. Thomas Scofs defence. 

1660 obscure. Finding he might not be permitted to proceed in 
that way, he took the liberty to tell them, that ' he could 
not see for what reason it was not as lawful for that House 
of Commons in which he had sate as a member, to make 
laws, as for the present Convention which had been called 
by the authority of the Keepers of the Liberties of England. 
I had the authority of Parliament, the legislative authority 
to justifie me ' Here the Court interrupted him ; but 
having no reasons to give, Finch said in a passion, ' Sir, if 
you speak to this purpose again, I profess for my own 
part I dare not hear any more : 'tis a doctrin so poisonous 
and blasphemous, that if you proceed upon this point, 
I shall (and I hope my lords will be of the same opinion) 
desire that the jury may be immediately directed.' Mr. 
Scot replied, ' My Lord, I thought you would rather have 
been my council, as I think 'tis the duty of your place. 
But in this matter I am not alone, neither is it my single 
opinion : even the Secluded Members owned us to be 
a Parliament, else why did they, supported by an armed 
force, intrude themselves contrary to the resolutions of 
the House, in order to procure the major vote for our 
dissolution?' To which Mr. Annesley answered, that 'if the 
Secluded Members had not appeared in Parliament, and by 
that means put an end to all pretences, the people had not 
so soon arrived at their happiness.' These, with many other 
things of equal force being said by Mr. Scot in his defence, 
rather to justifie himself to his country, than from any 
hopes of consideration from those with whom he had to 
do ; the jury as directed, found him guilty also. 

Oct. 12. Colonel John Jones and Mr. Gregory Clement finding 
all that had been said in vindication of the things objected 
against the gentlemen who had been already tried, to prove 
ineffectual, informed the Court that they could say no more 
than had been already alleged ; and therefore confessed 
the fact, upon which they were declared guilty, as the persons 
before mention'd had been. 

Oct. 13. On the thirteenth of November, 1660, the sentence 
which had been pronounced in consequence of the verdict, 



The execution of Harrison and Carew. 309 

was executed upon Major-General Harrison at the place 1660 
where Charing Cross formerly stood, that the King might 
have the pleasure of the spectacle, and inure himself to 
blood. On the fifteenth, Mr. John Carew suffered there Oct. 15. 
also, even their enemies confessing that more steddiness of 
mind, more contempt of death, and more magnanimity 
could not be expressed. To all who were present with 
them, either in prison or at the place where the sentence 
was executed, they owned that having engaged in the cause 
of God and their country, they were not at all ashamed to 
suffer in the manner their enemies thought fit, openly 
avowing the inward satisfaction of their minds when they 
reflected upon the actions for which they had been con- 
demned, not doubting the revival of the same cause ; and 
that a time should come when men would have better 
thoughts of their persons and proceedings. 

Mr. John Coke, late Chief Justice of Ireland, had in his 
younger years seen the best part of Europe ; and at Rome 
had spoken with such liberty and ability against the 
corruptions of that Court and Church, that great endeavours 
were used there to bring him into that interest : but he 
being resolved not to yield to their sollicitations, thought it 
no longer safe to continue among them, and therefore 
departed to Geneva, where he resided some months in the 
house of signior Gio. Diodati, minister of the Italian church 
in that city; after which he returned to England and 
applied himself to the study of the laws ; and in that 
profession became so considerable, that he was appointed 
by the High Court of Justice to be their sollicitor at the 
King's tryal. I have already said 1 , that he was seized and 
imprisoned by Sir Charles Coote, who joining with Monk 
in his treachery to the Commonwealth, sent him over to 
England, that he might sacrifice him to his new master, in 
satisfaction for the blood of his party which he himself had 
formerly shed. Being brought to his tryal, he was accused Oct. 13. 
of preferring, in the name of all the good people of 
England, an Impeachment of High Treason to the High 

1 p. 240. 



310 Mr. John Cokes defence. 

1660 Court of Justice against the late King ; that he had signed 
the said impeachment with his own hand ; that upon the 
King's demurrer to the jurisdiction of the Court, he had 
pressed that the charge might be taken for confessed ; and 
therefore had demanded judgment from the Court against 
the King : but this inditement being more particularly 
charged upon him in the three following articles, 

' First, that he, with others, had propounded, counselled, 
contrived, and imagin'd the death of the late King ; 

' Secondly, that to bring about this conspiracy, he, with 
others, had assumed authority and power to accuse, kill 
and murder the King ; 

' Thirdly, that a person unknown did cut off the King's 
head ; and that the prisoner was abetting, aiding, assisting, 
countenancing and procuring the said person so to do ; ' 

He answer'd, first, that he could not be justly said to 
have contriv'd or councelled the death of the King, because 
the proclamation for the King's tryal, even by the con- 
fession of his accuser, was publish'd on the ninth of 
January, which was the day before he was appointed 
sollicitor to the High Court of Justice. In the second 
place, tho' the Court should not admit that to be an Act of 
Parliament, which authorized him to do what he did ; yet 
he assured himself they would allow it to be an order, 
which was enough to justifie him. Thirdly, that he, who had 
neither been accuser, witness, jury, judge, or executioner, 
could not be guilty of treason in this case. He urged, 
that having acted only as council, he was not answerable 
for the justice or injustice of the cause he had manag'd ; 
that being placed in that station by a publick command, it 
could not be said he had acted maliciously or with a 
wicked intention, as the inditement mention'd ; that words 
spoken do not amount to treason, much less when set down 
in writing by the direction of others ; especially since no 
clear proof had been produced, that his name subscribed 
to the charge against the King was written by himself. 
He said, that to pray and demand justice, 'though injustice 
be done upon it, could not be treason within the statute ; 



The charge against Hugh Peters. 311 

that when he demanded justice, it might be meant of 1660 
acquittal as well as of condemnation ; and that if it should 
be accounted treason in a councellor to plead against the 
King, it must also be felony to plead against any man who 
may be unjustly condemned for felony; that the High 
Court of Justice, tho' now called tyrannical and unlawful, 
was yet a court, had officers attending them, and many 
think had authority, there being then no other in this 
nation than that which gave them their power ; and if this 
will not justifie a man for acting within his own sphere, it 
will not be lawful for any one to exercise his profession 
unless he may be sure of the legality of the establishment 
under which he acts. These and divers other things of no 
less weight he said in his defence ; but the cabal thinking 
themselves concern'd to prevent the like in time to come, 
and to terrify those who were not only able but willing also 
to be employ'd in such service, procured from the jury 
a verdict of condemnation against him according to their 
desire. 

The charge against Mr. Hugh Peters was, for compassing Oct. 13. 
and imagining the death of the King, by conspiring with 
Oliver Cromwel at several times and places, and procuring 
the souldiers to demand justice ; by preaching divers 
sermons to persuade the souldiery to take off the King, 
comparing him to Barabbas, and applying part of a Psalm 
where 'tis said, ' They shall bind their Kings in chains,' &c. 
to the proceedings against him ; assuring them, that if they 
would look into their Bibles they should find there, ' That 
whoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be 
shed ' ; and that neither the King nor any other person are 
excepted from this general rule. He was also accused of 
saying, that the Levits, Lords and Lawyers must be taken 
away in order to establish a Commonwealth ; that the 
King was a tyrant, and that the office it self was charge- 
able, useless, and dangerous. These, with other things of 
like nature being sworn against him, Mr. Peters said in his 
defence, that the war began before he came into England ; 
that since his arrival, he had endeavour'd to promote sound 



312 An account of Hugh Peters. 

1660 religion, the reformation of learning and the law, and 
employment of the poor ; that for the better effecting these 
things he had espoused the interests of the Parliament, in 
which he had acted without malice, avarice or ambition ; 
and that whatever prejudices or passions might possess the 
minds of men, yet there was a God who knew these things 
to be true. It was not expected that any thing he could 
say should save him from the revenge of the Court, and 
therefore he was without hesitation brought in guilty. 
This person had been a minister in England for many years, 
'till he was forc'd to leave his native country by the 
persecution set on foot in the time of Archbishop Laud 
against all those who refused to comply with the inno- 
vations and superstitions which were then introduced into 
the publick worship. He went first into Holland, and 
from thence to New England ; where after some stay, 
being informed that the Parliament had relieved the people 
in some measure from the abuses in church and state, and 

1641 design'd to perfect that work, he return'd to England ; and 
in all places, and on all occasions encouraged the people to 
appear vigorously for them. Having passed some time in 
England, he was made chaplain to a brigade that was sent 
against the Irish rebels, and observing the condition of the 
plundered Protestants in that country to deserve com- 
passion, he went into Holland, and improved the interest 
he had there with so good success, that he procured about 
thirty thousand pounds to be sent from thence into Ireland 
for their relief. He was a diligent and earnest sollicitor for 
the distressed Protestants of the vallies of Piedmont, who 
had been most inhumanly persecuted and reduced to the 
utmost extremities by the tyranny of the Duke of Savoy; 
and in gratitude to the Hollanders for the sanctuary he had 
found among them in the time of his distress, he was not 
a little serviceable to them in composing their differences 
with England in the time of Cromwel. 

An order being made, that the Chief Justice Coke and 
Mr. Peters should die on the same day, they were carried 
on two sledds to the place appointed for the execution of 



The execution of Coke and Peters. 313 

the sentence that had been pronounced against them, the l66 
head of Major-General Harrison being placed on that which Oct. 16. 
carried the Chief Justice, with the face uncovered and 
directed towards him l ; which was so far from producing 
the designed effect, that he not only seemed to be animated 
with courage from the reflection he might make upon that 
object; but the people every where expressed their detesta- 
tion of such usage. At the place of execution, among other 
things, he declared that he had used the utmost of his 
endeavours that the practice of the law might be regulated, 
and that the publick justice might be administred with as 
much expedition and as little expense as possible ; and 
that he had suffered a more than ordinary persecution from 
those of his own profession on that account. He said he 
understood not the meaning of the Court, when they 
affirmed, that if the Lords and Commons had brought the 
King to the bar, it had been treason in them ; and as to 
the part he had in the action with which he was charged, 
he was so far from repenting what he had done, that he 
was most ready to seal it with his blood : here the 
sheriff rudely interrupting him, he replied, that it had not 
been the custom in the most barbarous nations, much less 
in England, to insult over a dying man; adding, that he 
thought he was the first who had ever suffered death for 
demanding justice. 

When this victim was cut down and brought to be 
quartered 2 , one Colonel Turner called to the sheriff's men 

1 'With a chearfull countenance they called Coll. Turner, called to 
taking leave of his friends he went the sheriffs men, to bring Mr. Peters 
to the sledge that carried him, near, that he might see it; and by 
whereon was also carried the head and by the hangman came to him, 
of Major-General Harrison, with the all besmeared in blood, and rubbing 
face bare towards him, and not- his bloody hands together, he taunt- 
withstanding that dismal sight he ingly asked, ' Come, how do you like 
passed rejoycingly through the this Mr. Peters, how do you like this 
streets, as one borne up by that work?' To whom he replyed, ' I am 
spirit which man could not cast not, I thank God, terrified at it, you 
downe.' Passages and Occasional may do your worst ' . .. Being upon 
Speeches. the ladder he spake to the sheriff, 

2 ' When Mr. Cooke was cut down saying, ' Sir, you have here slain one 
and brought to be quartered, one of the servants of God before mine 



-An account of Thomas Scot. 

1660 to bring Mr. Peters to see what was doing ; which being 
done, the executioner came to him, and rubbing his bloody 
hands together, asked him how he liked that work ? He 
told him he was not at all terrified, and that he might do 
his worst. And when he was upon the ladder, he said to 
the sheriff, ' Sir, you have butcher'd one of the servants of 
God before my eyes, and have forc'd me to see it in order 
to terrific and discourage me ; but God has permitted it 
for my support and encouragement.' 

Oct. 17. On the sixteenth of October, Mr. Thomas Scot and 
Mr. Gregory Clement were drawn in one sledd, and Colonel 
Adrian Scroop with Colonel John Jones in another, to 
Charing Cross, in order to suffer death as the rest had 
done. Mr. Scot was a gentleman who having been educated 
in the university of Cambridge, had lived privately in the 
country, till upon a recruit of members to serve in the 
Parliament, he was chosen to be of their number ; and in 
that station carried himself with such constancy and zeal 
for the service of the Commonwealth, that during the 
interruption of the Parliament by Cromwel, the country in 
which he lived, as a mark of their esteem, chose him to 
serve them as often as there was occasion. When the 
Parliament was a second time interrupted by the army, 
he held a constant correspondence with Monk for their 
restitution ; in which he was very instrumental, as well by 
causing the letters he received from Monk, declaring his 
resolution to live and die with the Parliament, to be printed 
and publish'd, as by other services. He had been several 
times chosen a member of the Council of State ; and the 
Parliament being again restored, they appointed him to be 
secretary to that board, and deputed him for one of the 
two commissioners they sent to accompany Monk in his 
march to London. To this gentleman Monk solemnly 
swore at St. Albans, that he would be faithful to the 
Parliament ; in confidence of which, when Mr. Scot had 

eyes, and have made me to behold ordinance to me for my strengthen- 
it, on purpose to terrific and dis- ing and encouragement.' Passages 
courage me, but God hath made it an and Occasional Speeches. 



The execution of Scot and Clement. 315 

resumed his place in the House, he undertook so largely for 1660 
his integrity. But when his treachery was too manifest, he 
endeavour'd to pass beyond the seas, and was taken by 
pirates ; who having plundered him, set him ashore in 
Hampshire ; yet by the assistance of his friends, he pro- 
cured another vessel to land him in Flanders, where he was 
no sooner arrived, but he was seized by an agent for the 
King 1 . Don Alonzo de Cardenas, then governour of the 
Spanish Netherlands, who had been ambassador for the 
King of Spain in England, during the government of the 
Commonwealth, remembring the particular obligations he 
had to Mr. Scot, caused him to be set at liberty. Being 
freed from these dangers, and afterwards finding his name 
to be inserted among others of the King's judges who were 
required to render themselves if they expected any benefit 
by the Act of Indemnity ; in confidence at least of saving 
his life, he surrendered himself to the English agent 
within the time limited by the proclamation. And tho' he 
was thus ensnared, yet he was not unwilling to confirm 
what he had done, with the testimony of his blood, which 
he did with the greatest demonstrations of cheerfulness 
and satisfaction of mind. He attempted several times to 
speak to the people at the place of execution, in justifica- Oct. 17. 
tion of that cause for which he was to dye ; but those who 
feared nothing so much as truth, interrupted him so often, 
that he found himself obliged to say, ' that surely it must 
be a very bad cause which cannot suffer the words of 
a dying man.' 

Mr. Gregory Clement being the next that suffer'd, was Oct. 17. 
a citizen and merchant of London, who by trading to 
Spain, had raised a very considerable estate. He was 
chosen a member of the Parliament about the year 1646, 
and discharged that trust with great diligence, always 
joyning with those who were most affectionate to the 

1 Thomas Scot had escaped to B[ullen] R[eymes], of the ap- 

Flanders in April, 1660, but was prehension of the grand traitor 

arrested in Brussels and sent over to Thomas Scot, 4to. 1660 ' ; and ' Mr. 

England in June. See ' A true Ignatius White his vindication from 

narrative, in a letter written to Col. all imputations concerning Mr. Scot.' 



316 An account of Colonel Adrian Scroop. 

1660 Common-wealth, tho' he never was possess'd of any place 
of profit under them 1 . Being appointed one of the Com- 
missioners for the trial of the King, he durst not refuse his 
assistance in that service. He had no good elocution, but 
his apprehension and judgment were not to be despised. 
He declared before his death, that nothing troubled him so 
much, as his pleading guilty at the time of his trial, to 
satisfy the importunity of his relations, by which, he said 
he had rendered himself unworthy to dye in so glorious 
a cause. 

Colonel Adrian Scroop was descended of an ancient 
family, and possessed of a considerable estate. His port 
and meen was noble, and the endowments of his mind 
every way answerable. He appeared early in the army of 
the Parliament, being present and engaged at the battle of 
Edge-hill, in the head of a troop of horse, which he had 
raised. He was first advanced to the degree of a major, 
and soon after appointed to be colonel of a regiment of 
horse. He had been, for several years, governour of the 
castle of Bristol, and when the Parliament thought fit to 
slight that garrison, they made him one of their Com- 
missioners for the civil government of Scotland, in con- 
junction with the Lord Broghil, Monk and others. In 
all these employments he manifested such abilities and 
fidelity, that the Parliament appointed him to be one of 
the Commissioners for the trial of the late King ; in which 
place he acted with all the impartiality that becomes 
a judg in whom so great a trust is reposed, and who 
ought to be no respecter of persons. The hard measure 
he received from the Convention at Westminster, I have 
already mentioned ; it remains only to give some account 
of what he said at the place where he suffered death, which 
was to this purpose, that tho he had been accustomed to 
be seen in better places, and other kind of circumstances, 
yet it being the will of God he should be brought into this 
condition, he submitted cheerfully ; that he never had 

1 Gregory Clement had been expelled from Parliament on May n, 1652, 
for adultery. 



An account of Colonel John Jones. 3 1 7 

entertained malice against any man, and that he now 1660 
wished no ill either to the jury who found him guilty, or 
to the judges who pronounced sentence ; or even to the 
person by whose means he was brought to that place, who, 
he presumed, was so well known, that it was not necessary 
to name him. He said he should not boast of his birth, or 
education, or the private conduct of his life, because he was 
going to appear before a tribunal where all men must 
come, and where the justice or injustice of every action 
would be manifest ; desiring the people in the mean time 
not to think uncharitably of him, for he was firmly 
perswaded he suffered for the cause of God and his 
country 1 . 

Colonel John Jones who next appeared on this bloody 
theater, was a gentleman of a competent estate in North- 
Wales, and so well beloved in his country that he did 
considerable service to the publick cause by his interest 
in those parts. He reduced the Isle of Anglesey to the 
obedience of the Commonwealth, and was soon after 
chosen to serve in Parliament for that place. He had 
been one of the Council of State, and in the year 1650 
was constituted one of the Commissioners of Parliament 
for managing the civil affairs of Ireland. This trust he 
discharged during the course of divers years, with great 
diligence, ability, and integrity, in providing for the 
happiness of that country, and bringing to justice those 
who had been concerned in the murders of the English 
protestants. When the Great Parliament was restored to 
the exercise of their authority, after the long interruption, 
they chose him to be one of those eight persons, to whom 
they committed the care of the publick safety, till they 
could establish a Council of State. Of this also he was 
chosen a member, and soon after sent by the Parliament to 
his former trust in Ireland, where he continued till the late 
change. Being drawn to Charing Cross on the same sledd 
with Colonel Scroop, the gravity and graceful meen of 

1 Scroop's speech is abridged from that given in ' Occasional Passages 
and Speeches.' 



318 The trial of Colonel Axtel. 

1660 these aged gentlemen, accompanied with visible marks of 
fortitude and internal satisfaction, surprised the spectators 
with admiration and compassion 1 . 

Oct. 15. Colonel Daniel Axtel was next brought to trial. The 
chief heads of the accusation against him were, that he 
commanded the guards both at the trial and execution of 
the King ; that he ordered the souldiers, in a tumultuous 
manner, to demand justice and afterwards execution ; that 
he threatned to shoot a lady, who from a gallery that was 
near the Court where the King was tried, had contradicted 
the president when he was speaking concerning the charge ; 
that he sent for and encouraged the executioner, and that 
he had upbraided with cowardice one of the persons, to 
whom the warrant for seeing execution done upon the 
King was directed, for refusing to sign it. And these, 
with some other things of less weight, were called com- 
passing and imagining the death of the King. Colonel 
Hercules Huncks, who was one of the three to whom the 
said warrant had been directed ; one of the forty halberdiers 
attending the High Court of Justice, and one who had 
opposed with more than ordinary vehemence all those who 
were for the King, was the principal witness against him 2 . 
Colonel Axtel having first acknowledged his ignorance in 
matters of law, and therefore desiring that no undue 
advantages might be taken against him on that account, 
proceeded to speak to this effect ; ' that the war was made 
by the joynt authority of the Lords and Commons 
assembled in parliament, who claimed a right of employing 
the military force of the nation for the publick safety, as 
appears by divers acts and declarations published by their 
order. This authority raised an army, made the Earl of 

1 'This aged gentleman was drawn was made in favour of Col. Hercules 
in one sled with his aged companion Hunckes. Carte MSS., xli. 512. He 
Col. Scroop, whose grave and grace- had earned it by his services as 
ful countenances, accompanied with a witness at the trial of the Regicides, 
courage and cheerfulness, caused and was no doubt also indebted to 
great admiration and compassion in his relationship to Sir Fulk Hunckes, 
the spectators.' Speeches and Oc- once royalist governor of Shrews- 
casional Passages. bury. Cf. Reliquiae Baxterianae, 

2 On Jan. 17, 1661, a declaration p. 46; Cal. S. P., Dom., 1654, p. 377. 



Colonel Axtels defence. 319 

Essex General, then the Earl of Manchester of the forces 1660 
of the Eastern Association, and after that created and 
authorised Sir Thomas Fairfax to be General of all their 
forces. Under this authority,' said he, 'I acted, which 
I conceive to be legal, because this Parliament was not 
only called by the King's writ, and chosen by the people, 
but also because a bill had passed, that they should not be 
dissolved otherwise than by their own consent. Having 
this unquestionable authority for my justification, I presume 
my case comes not within the reach of the statute 25th 
Edward III. which could by no means intend such a power 
as was not only owned and obeyed at home, but 
acknowledged by princes and states abroad, to be the 
chief authority of the nation, by sending agents and 
ambassadors to them. The judges, who ought to be the 
eye and guide of the people, acted under them, divers of 
them publickly declaring that it was lawful and justifiable 
to obey the Parliament. But if their acts may not be 
accounted such, tho' they carried that title, and were 
obeyed by the judges, ministers, officers of state and the 
whole nation ; yet surely they cannot be denied to be 
orders of Parliament ; which would be sufficient to justify 
any man who acted by them. This Parliament so con- 
stituted, so acknowledged and so obeyed, having made 
choice of a person to be General of their forces, I was by 
that General, in vertue of the authority he had received 
from them, constituted an officer under him : and therefore 
whatever I have done as a soldier and according to the 
duty of my office, for if I was in Westminster- Hall at the 
time of the King's trial, I was there by a command of the 
General : and if it be so great a crime to have been an 
officer in that army which was raised by the Parliament, 
the Earls of Essex and Manchester, the Lord General 
Fairfax, Monk and others who have acted by the same 
authority, were no less criminal than my self.' He cited 
the declarations of the Lords and Commons, published 
when they engaged the people to take arms, in which they 
asserted, that it was repugnant to reason that the judgment 



320 Colonel Axtels defence. 

1660 and actions of the Parliament might not be a rule and 
guide to the nation in their duty ; and declared that the 
persons who should act under their authority ought not to 
be questioned for so doing : he therefore presumed that an 
inferior court would not expound the law contrary to the 
judgment of the High Court of Parliament ; adding, that 
' if the House of Commons who are the representatives of 
the whole nation, may be guilty of treason, it will follow 
that all the people of England, who chose them, are guilty 
also, and then where will a jury be found to try this cause ? 
My commission is dated the 27th of March, 1648, ten 
months before the King's death. The commission by 
which General Fairfax was authorized to give mine to me, 
he received from the Lords and Commons assembled in 
Parliament. I did nothing but my duty in going to my 
regiment : for if the General says, go to such a place and 
stay there, if I refuse, by the law of arms I am to dye. 
But if I obey, it seems I am in danger also. The question 
therefore in law, I humbly conceive, will be this, and 
I desire it may be truly and fairly stated, Whether a man 
who is guided by the judgment of the Lords and Commons 
assembled in Parliament, acting only according to that 
judgment of Parliament, and under their authority, can be 
questioned for treason ? ' To this the council answering, 
that he was not accused of levying war, but of assisting at 
the tryal and execution of the King, and encouraging the 
souldiers to clamour for justice and execution; the Colonel 
replied, that he was no more guilty than the General, that 
his presence in Westminster-Hall was not voluntary, and 
that he was there by command. This he pressed so home 
upon the Court, appealing to themselves for their judgment 
in the case, that they were necessitated to fly to their old 
refuge of questioning the authority by which he had acted. 
To the rest of the evidence he said, that if any lady had 
talked aloud during the time of the King's tryal, to the 
interruption and disturbance of the Court, he supposed it 
was no treason to bid her hold her tongue; that if he 
smiled, as Colonel Temple depos'd, it could not amount to 



Colonel Hackers Trial. 321 

so great a crime ; that if some souldiers did cry out justice, 1660 
it was not by his instigation ; yet he hoped that to desire 
justice, which is one of the principal attributes of God, is 
no treason. Having said these with many other things in 
his defence, he address'd himself to the jury, and acquainted 
them that he left his case and his life in their hands. 

In answer to these arguments, Bridgman, who was 
president of this assembly, contented himself with repeating 
that strange and unheard of doctrin, ' That no person what- 
soever, nor community, nor the people either collectively 
or representatively, have any coercive power over the 
King.' For this he quoted some precedents as little to the 
purpose as the assertion it self, and then concluded the case 
to be so clear, that the jury needed not to stir from the 
bar. It soon appear'd that he knew the men, for they 
fully answered his expectations ; and as they were directed, 
without any difficulty, declared Colonel Axtel to be guilty 
of the treason with which he had been charged. 

Colonel Francis Hacker being appointed to appear also Oct. 15. 
in this tragical scene, he was brought to the bar ; where an 
inditement for compassing and imagining the death of the 
King was read against him, and to prove the accusation 
witnesses were produced, who depos'd, that he was one of 
the persons that were upon the guard and kept the King 
prisoner ; that the warrant for seeing the sentence that had 
been pronounced by the High Court of Justice against the 
King put in execution, was directed to him with others ; 
that in prosecution of that commission, he had sign'd 
a warrant for executing the King ; and that he took the 
King, by vertue of the warrant he had received, out of the 
custody of Colonel Thomlinson, and conducted him to the 
scaffold on which he had been put to death. Colonel 
Hacker excepted not against any of the jury, rinding all 
of them to be of the same stamp; he said 'little more in 
his defence than that he had acted by the command of his 
superiours, and that he had always endeavoured to serve his 
country in all his publick actions ; so that his tryal was 
quickly dispatch'd, and he declared guilty of high treason. 

VOL. II. Y 



322 An account of Colonel Axtel. 

1660 He was a gentleman of a considerable estate, derived to 
him from his ancestors, who lived in the county of Leicester : 
he had passed through several degrees of command in the 
service of the Parliament, and particularly distinguish'd 
himself at the battle of Worcester, in the head of a 
regiment of horse which he had raised on that occasion for 
the defence of his country : he refused his assistance to 
support the usurpation of Mr. Richard Cromwell, tho' he 
had forced a knighthood, as 'tis called, upon him, and 
presented him with two swords, refusing to obey his orders, 
and joining with the Commonwealth-party in his deposition : 
he had continued in the command of his regiment till he 
was taken in custody, having had assurances from Monk, 
that he should be fully indemnified. So that when he came 
to London, he made a visit to Monk, and was received 
with all the appearances of friendship and affection. But 
the next day after he had been thus caressed, he was seized, 
examined, and sent to the Tower. 

Colonel Daniel Axtel had been captain, major, and 
lieutenant-colonel in a regiment of foot ; in the last of 
which employments he had assisted at the tryal and 
execution of the late King. When Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell was sent by the Parliament into Ireland with an 
army against the rebels, and the regiment in which Colonel 
Axtel served was drawn out by lot for that expedition 1 , 
he cheerfully undertook the employment; and for his 
fidelity, courage and conduct, was soon preferred to the 
head of a regiment ; and not long after was made 
governour of Kilkenny and the adjacent precinct, which 
important trust he discharged with diligence and success. 
In this station he shewed a more than ordinary zeal in 
punishing those Irish who had been guilty of murdering 
the Protestants 2 ; and on this account, as well as for what 

1 Axtel was Lieut.-Col. of Hew- the suppressing of that bloody enemy; 
son's foot regiment in Aug. 1649. and when I considered their bloody 

2 ' I can say in humility, 1 said he cruelty in murthering so many 
whilst in prison, 'that God did use thousandsofProtestantsandinnocent 
me as an instrument in my place for souls, that word was much upon my 



Captain Hewlet condemned. 323 

he had done in relation to the late King, the Court had 1660 
procured him to be excepted out of the Act of Indemnity. 

Captain William Hewlet was also accused and tried for Oct. 15. 
cutting off the King's head, or at least for being one of the 
persons that stood mask'd upon the scaffold during his 
execution ; and tho' divers creditable witnesses depos'd, 
that Gregory Brandon, who was common hangman, had 
confessed and owned to have executed the King ; yet the 
jury found him guilty of the indictment. But the Court 
being sensible of the injury done to him, procured his 
reprieve. 

Those whom I mention'd before to have been excepted 
both for life and estate, with a reserve, that if upon tryal 
they should be found guilty, sentence of death should not 
be executed against any of them except by Act of 
Parliament, were brought to be tried before this Court ; Oct. 16. 
where some of them pleaded guilty simply; but others, 
tho' they acknowledged the guilt, denied the malice; and 
some confessing the fact, denied the guilt. Of this last 
number was Colonel Henry Martin, of whose tryal I shall 
only mention some few of the most remarkable passages, 
and so leave this melancholy subject: for if I should give 
an account, tho' with all possible brevity, of what passed in 
the Court during their session, together with what might 
be necessary to say concerning the persons accused, 
I should be carried too far from my purpose. Colonel 
Henry Martin was charged with signing and sealing the 
precept for summoning the High Court of Justice ; with 
signing the warrant for executing the King ; with sitting 
in Court almost every day of his tryal, and particularly 
that on which he received the sentence of death. To these 
things he answered, that he declined not to acknowledge 
the matter of fact that was alledged against him, the 
malice imputed to him by the indictment set aside. Upon 
which, being told by one of the council, that he seem'd to 
be of opinion, that a man might sit and adjudge a King to 

heart, " Give her blood to drink, for neither gave nor took quarter,' 
she is worthy"; and sometimes we Occasional Passages and Speeches. 

Y Z 



324 Harry Martens defence. 

1660 death, and sign a warrant for his execution, meekly, 
innocently, charitably and honestly. He answer'd, that 
tho' he should not compare his knowledge in the law with 
that of such a learned gentleman ; yet according to that 
little understanding he had been capable of acquiring, he 
presumed, that no fact could be named, which in it self is 
a crime, but only as it is circumstantiated : and to make 
good that assertion gave several instances. But the council 
to prove that he had acted maliciously, produced a person 
who depos'd, that he signed the warrant merrily and in 
a jesting way, as he was rallying with Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell. To which he replied, that such a way of doing 
a thing does by no means imply malice. The council 
finding their insinuations and aggravations of the charge 
against him so easily blown away by these and other 
answers, made up with passion what they wanted in the 
weight of reason ; the Sollicitor-General exclaiming that all 
good people abhorr'd the action; and that he was sorry to 
see so little repentance. To this the Colonel only said, he 
hoped that what was urged by the council, would not 
make that impression upon the Court and jury as seem'd 
to be design'd ; and that if it were possible for that blood 
to be in the veins again, and every drop of that which was shed 
in the late wars, he could wish it with all his heart : but he 
presumed it might be lawful to say in his own defence, that 
what he did, he thought at that time he might do. ' There 
was/ said he, ' a House of Commons as I understood it to 
be, tho' perhaps your lordships think them not to have 
been a House of Commons : however, they were then 
the supreme authority in England, and acknowledged and 
reputed so to be both at home and abroad ; I suppose he 
who gives obedience to the authority de facto in being, 
sufficiently shews himself to be of a peaceable temper, and 
far from a traytor : there was a statute made in the time of 
Henry the VII. to indemnify all those who should take 
arms for a King de facto t tho' he were not so de jure. 
And if a supreme officer de facto can justifie a war, I pre- 
sume the supreme authority in England, tho' de facto only, 



The disbanding of the army. 325 

may justifie a court of judicature. If it should be said, 1660 
that the authority by which we acted was only one estate 
of three, and but part of that ; I answer, It was all that 
was then existing. And I have heard lawyers say, that if 
there be commons appurtenant to a tenement, and that 
the tenement be all burnt down except one small stick, the 
commons still belong to that small piece as much as when 
the tenement was all standing. I shall also humbly offer 
it to consideration, whether the late King for some time 
before his trial, could truly and properly be called a King, 
who was not in the execution of his office, but made 
a prisoner, and no way concern'd in the administration of 
publick affairs.' But notwithstanding these and divers 
other things which he said in his defence with as much 
presence of mind as solidity of argument, he was brought in 
guilty of the treason for which he had been accused ; in 
pursuance of which verdict, the sentence of condemnation 
was passed against him, the Convention making no provision 
for securing the lives either of him or the rest of the 
gentlemen that had been decoy'd into a surrender of their 
persons, tho' they had implicitely promised them favour. 

The army that had so long stood in the way of the 
Court, was now wholly disbanded, except only Monk's 
regiment of foot ; and that was balanced by a regiment of 
horse raised under colour of being a guard to the King 1 . 
This, together with the payment of their arrears and a 
liberty of trading in corporations was the reward they re- 
ceived for their services, notwithstanding all the fair promises 
both of Monk and the King. And thus these men who 
had accumulated treachery upon treachery, were dismiss'd 
with infamy; for the very acknowledgment that was made 
by the King, that they had been the chief instruments of 
his return, reproach'd them with infidelity to the Parliament, 
and their own desires to be absolved from the guilt of their 
former actions, was a confession that they had been rebels 

1 Sir William Doyley reported C. J. viii. 176. Monk's regiment 
from the committee for the disband- became the Coldstream Guards, 
ing of the army on Nov. 6, 1660. 



326 The Court throws off the mask. 

1660 to the King. However, the dissipation of these men was 
not caused by the King's aversion to a standing army ; for 
the whole course of his life demonstrates the contrary ; but 
being persuaded that they who had already made so many 
changes in England, were able to bring about another, and 
to turn him out again with as little consideration as they 
had brought him in, he thought it most safe and necessary 
to free himself at once from such dangerous companions. 

This work being accomplish'd, the Court began to take 
off the mask : for tho' the King had publish'd a declaration 
for accommodation in matters of publick worship and 
ceremonies, and tho' the episcopal party in the Convention 
had patiently permitted a committee to be appointed to 
consider of that matter; yet being delivered from the terror 
of the army, they opposed the report of the committee 
with such violence, that it was not thought fit to press it 
any more : by which means all the hopes of the Presby- 
terians vanished, and this mountain brought forth a mouse. 
The natural tendency of these things was so visible, that 
Mr. Pryn, who had manifested a more than ordinary zeal for 
disbanding the army, finding his expectations defeated, and 
the Presbyterian party so miserably deluded 1 , after he 
had made report of the number of regiments that had been 
disbanded, desired the House, that they would be mindful 
not to do those things that might bring them together 
again. Upon which the adverse party fell upon him with 
that fury, that if the House had not risen immediately in 
great disorder, he had been obliged to explain himself at 
the bar. 

But for all this, the Convention, tho' called in the name 
of the Keepers of the Liberties of England, as if they had 
designed to put the people beyond the hopes of any remedy, 
made a present to the King of the customs and excise 
during his life, besides other great sums charged upon the 

1 A bill for making effectual the to 157 votes. (Old Parliamentary 

King's Declaration touching Ecclesi- History, xxiii. 27-31.) There is no 

astical Affairs, was read a first time mention of this speech of Prynne's 

on Nov. 28 and thrown out on the in the debate given in the Parlia- 

second reading the same day by 183 mentary History. 



Liidlows estates confiscated. 327 

nation to supply his present occasions : and tho' before the 1660 
passing of the Bill of Indemnity they had seemed sensible, 
that they were in honour concern'd to make provision for 
the security of the lives of those, who having sate as judges 
of the late King, had rendred themselves into their hands 
upon the proclamation which had been publish'd by their 
advice ; yet they not only abandon'd those poor deluded 
gentlemen who lay under the sentence of condemnation, 
and waited for the favour they had implicitly promised ; 
but also passed a bill of attainder against those of the King's 
judges and other persons, who having been excepted out of 
the Act, had escaped their hands, adding to other unusual 
clauses, that all trusts for their use should be forfeited. 
But the Duke of York, upon whom these confiscated estates 
were bestowed, must be supplied by any means 1 . 

Henrietta Maria of France, widow to the late King 
Charles, who had been a principal instrument to advise 
and encourage him in his illegal actions, passed over into 
England about this time ; and being arrived at London, 
the House of Commons, in which were many persons, who 
had been members of that Parliament which had threatned 
to accuse her of high treason, not only congratulated her 
return, but presented her daughter that had accompanied Nov. 6. 
her in her journey, with the sum of ten thousand pounds. 
But notwithstanding all the flattering subserviency they 
could shew, and all that they could do to procure themselves 
to be thought fit for the service of the Court ; yet being not 
thoroughly principled to do the work of the Church, they 
were acquainted that they should be dissolved on the 34th 
of December next ensuing; against which time it was 

1 The State Papers show the dis- Dom., 1660-1, pp. 343, 361.) In 

position of parts of Ludlow's property. 1667, the manor of Doles, Hamp- 

The Dean and Chapter of Christ shire, part of Chute forest, which 

Church, Oxford, petitioned ' for a had come into the possession of 

grant of the remaining term of Ludlow's father, as a lapsed mort- 

a lease, which Edmund Ludlow ob- gage, from Charles Pawlett of Wood- 

tained of them by menaces, of Mai- house, was granted by the King to 

den Bradley Parsonage, Wilts, worth Mary, Countess of Falmouth (ib. 

,100.' The King granted their 1666-7, pp. 444, 517). 
request on Nov. 10, 1660. (Cal. S. P., 



328 Henrietta Maria returns to France. 

1660 desired, that all bills under consideration might be made 
ready. And least the people should, upon the dissolution 
of this assembly, form a body of men, and assert their 
liberties, it was pretended that a great plot to seize the 
King and the Tower, to kill the Queen with all those that 
should be found of the French nation, and to restore the 
Parliament, was carrying on throughout England. Under 
this colour Major-General Overton, Colonel Desborough, 
Colonel Salmon, Lieutenant-Colonel Farley, Major Whitby, 
and divers other persons were seized in London ; and 
Colonel Duckenfield, Major Anthony Morgan, and several 
others were imprisoned in the country. 

During the noise of this conspiracy, the Queen ac- 
companied by her daughter and Jermyn return'd to France, 
which induced many to believe that she was terrified by 
the designs against her person. But she, who knew the 
plot to be no more than a fiction, had other real grounds 
for her departure. For having endeavoured to persuade 
her son to remove the Chancellor Hyde from his councils, 
and finding she effected nothing by her continual sollici- 
tations, she soon grew weary of England ; where, tho' by 
the importunity of the King, she had at last admitted the 
new Dutchess of York to come into her presence ; yet by 
applying her self to other company, not desiring her to sit, 
and taking the first opportunity to withdraw from the 
room, she abundantly shew'd that she thought her not 
worthy to be treated as a daughter 1 . These were the 
principal, if not the only reasons that moved the Queen to 
quit the Court of her son, and to retire into her own country, 
tho' to give a better colour to her departure, and to conceal 
these domestick divisions, they made use of the pretences 
before mentioned. 

Dec. 29. On the day of the dissolution of the Convention, Sir 
Harbottle Grimeston who was their Speaker, made a speech 
to the King filled with the greatest flattery : in answer to 
which, the Chancellor was no way sparing of complements, 
applauding the wisdom of the House in the King's resti- 

1 See the Continuation of Clarendon's Life, 59-75. 



Pretended plots of the Republicans. 329 

tution, and their diligent endeavours to give his majesty 1660 
satisfaction, by settling things in such a manner as might 
prevent new disturbances and troubles. Yet he could not 
forbear to reflect upon them for not investing the King with 
the militia, (which he said had been the great bone of con- 
tention during the late war) nor declaring any thing concern- 
ing that matter, but leaving it uncertain as they found it, and 
consequently a foundation of new differences. To prevent 
which, and to secure the peace of the nation, he acquainted 
them that the King would be constrained to establish it for 
the present as formerly his predecessors had done. And to 
convince them of the necessity of this arbitrary proceeding, 
he took occasion to put them in mind of the late plot (an 
admirable state-engine fitted for all times) telling them, 
that tho' the persons engaged in this conspiracy were only 
the lees of the people, yet small beginnings ought not to be 
neglected, especially considering that all things in this 
design had been brought to a head ; that I had been 
nominated to command two thousand five hundred men in 
London, who were ready to seize the Tower ; that the like 
number was enlisted under my command in the western 
parts of England ; and that another person, whom he 
named not, had as many in the north ready to prosecute 
the same design 1 . To give the best colour they could to 

1 In all the plots of 1661-2, Lud- borough Lieutenant -General; ib. 

low's name was the rallying cry of 434, 444, 465, 526, 540, 541. In 

the disaffected. In August, 1661, November, Ludlow had been seen 

there was a report he had landed in at Canterbury, dressed as a sailor 

Essex with Whalley. In October he and with a false pass. Sir Thomas 

was said to be lurking in Cripplegate. Culpeper wrote, that he had tracked 

Forty thousand old soldiers, said him several days and sent parties of 

one story, were pledged to rise in horse and foot after him. About 

arms. One fanatic told another that the same time he was reported to be 

in a few days he would see Ludlow hidden near Plymouth; ib. 561, 568, 

the greatest man in England ; Cal. 596. His name was used to 

S. P., Dom., 1661-2, pp. 71, 119, decoy men into plots, and freely em- 

128, 396. Warrants to search for ployed by informers to give colour to 

and apprehend Ludlow were re- their lies ; Cal. S. P., Dom. 1663- 

peatedly granted ; ib. 404, 470, 546. 4, pp. 44, 72. In October, 1663, 

In July, 1662, information was given the Farnley Wood plotters were said 

of an intended rising in the west. to have expected him to head them ; 

Ludlow was to be General and Des- ib. 299. One information asserted 



330 Three Regicides seized in Holland. 

1660 these falshoods, all places where it could be suspected 
I might lie concealed, were diligently searched ; my wife * 
was several times plundered of her wearing clothes ; the 
lodgings of Colonel Kempson my brother-in-law were 
ransack'd, and many of his goods taken away ; all my 
writings, which I had recommended to the care of a friend, 
were betray'd by a servant in hopes of reward, and seized ; 
and one who had waited on me in my chamber was im- 
prisoned in the Gate-house, where he lay ten weeks, because 
he could not discover where I was. 

Colonel John Barkstead and Colonel Okey, with Colonel 
Walton and Colonel Dixwel, who had been commissioners 
in the High Court of Justice at the trial of the late King, 
having made their escape from England into Germany, were 
received into protection at Hanaw, and made burgesses of 
the town. Of these Colonel Barkstead and Colonel Okey 
took a journey to Holland, to meet some relations who 
were contented to banish themselves with them, and to 
conduct them to the place which they had chosen for their 
residence. But one Mr. George Downing, who was agent 
for the King in Holland, and had formerly been a preacher 
and chaplin to Colonel Okey's regiment, having received 
information that such persons were in that country, obtained 
an order from the States General for their seizure ; by 
1662 virtue of which they were taken, together with Mr. Miles 
March 1 1. Corbet, one of the King's judges also, sent into England in 
March 16. a ship of war, and committed prisoners to the Tower 2 . Two 

that Ludlow and Goffe were to have ' a dormant order,' for the appre- 

headed a rising in London on Oct. 12, hension of persons excepted from 

1663, and to attack Whitehall; ib. the Act of Indemnity who should 

352. A Committee of the Rump be in Holland. When he obtained 

Parliament which met privately about that order the three Regicides he 

London had appointed Ludlow subsequently seized were not in the 

General ; ib. 382. country. ' Dendy,' writes Downing, 

1 Mrs. Ludlow seems to have July 15, 1661, ' is yet at Rotterdam 
joined her husband in 1663 ; Cal. and I am' put in hopes of finding 
S. P., Dom., 1663-4, P- 29 1 - Mrs. Corbet. I hear that Okey and some 
Cawley stayed in England ; ib. p. 13. others of them are at Strasbourg, and 

2 Downing had obtained from the have purchased their freedom there 
States General in August, 1661, a publicly; and that Hewson is sick, 
blank warrant, or as he terms it but intends thither also with one or 



Sir George D owning s treachery. 331 



things seemed especially remarkable in this action, the 1662 
treachery of Downing, after he had given assurance to 
a person sent to him by Colonel Okey to that end, that he 
had no orders to look after him *, but chiefly the barbarous 
part acted by the States in this conjuncture, who, tho' they 
had themselves shaken off the yoak of tyranny, and to that 
time had made it a fundamental maxim to receive and 
protect all those who should come among them ; yet 
contrary to the principles of their government, and the 
interest of their Commonwealth, to say nothing of the laws 
of God, nature and nations, without any previous engage- 
ment to the Court of England, contributed as much as 
in them lay to the destruction of these gentlemen. But 
a treaty was to be made with England, and their trade 
secured at any rate, tho' the foundations should be laid in 
blood. 

Mr. Miles Corbet was a gentleman of an ancient family 
in the county of Norfolk. He had applied himself with 
diligence to the study of the laws of England in the society 



two more by the first occasion.' In 
the spring of 1662, the three came 
secretly to Delft to fetch their wives, 
and Downing had the blank warrant 
filled up and insisted on their arrest. 
See Pontalis, Jean de Witt, i. 281- 
284 ; Lister, Life of Clarendon, iii. 
JS 1 } I 55- The story of their arrest 
is told at length in the Kingdom's 
Intelligencer, pp. 159, 168, 176. In 
case of failure to obtain a warrant, 
Downing was prepared to resort to 
kidnapping. ' I am very much afraid, ' 
he had written to Clarendon on 
July 8, 1661, 'lest that if I should go 
to De Witt, or any other, for an 
order to seize them, it should some- 
how or other be discovered ; for 
I know the humour of these people ; 
and therefore if I might have my 
own way, I would in such a case 
employ threeor four resolved English 
officers, and seize them, and then 
immediately give notice to the burgo- 



masters of the place, and States 
General. Or, if the King would 
adventure, without more adoe, if 
possible, to get them aboard some 
ship. Let me know the King's 
pleasure herein.' Lister, iii. 151. 

1 Ludlow's account of the arrest 
of these three gentlemen is taken 
from ' The Speeches, Discourses and 
Prayers of Col. John Barkstead, &c. 
Together with an account of the 
manner of taking them.' This charge 
against Downing is made in the 
same pamphlet. 'Sir George,' it 
says, 'assured a friend of Okey's, 
that he had no orders from the King 
to apprehend or molest them, but 
that they might be as free and safe 
there as himself.' Pepys terms Down- 
ing ' a perfidious rogue ; though the 
action is good and of service to 
the King, yet he cannot with any 
good conscience do it.' Diary, 
March 12. 



332 Accounts of Corbet and Barkstead. 

1662 of Lincolns-Inn, and for the space of thirty seven years 
had been chosen to serve his country in the several Parlia- 
ments that were called. Being appointed one of the High 
Court of Justice for the trial of the late King, he appeared 
not among the judges by reason of some scruples he had 
entertained, till the day that sentence was pronounced. 
But upon more mature deliberation finding them to be of 
no weight, he durst no longer absent himself, coming early 
on that day into the Court, that he might give a publick 
testimony of his satisfaction and concurrence with their 

l6 5 r proceedings. He was afterwards by the Parliament made 
one of their Commissioners for the Civil Government of 
Ireland, in which employment he manifested such integrity, 
that tho' he was continued for many years in that station, 
yet he impaired his own estate for the publick service, 
whilst he was the greatest husband of the treasure of the 
Commonwealth l . The day before his death he assured 
his friends, that he was so throughly convinced of the 
justice and necessity of that action for which he was to 
die, that if the things had been yet intire, and to do, he 
could not refuse to act as he had done, without affronting 
his reason, and opposing himself to the dictates of his 
conscience ; adding, that the immoralities, lewdness and 
corruptions of all sorts, which had been introduced and 
incouraged since the late revolution, were no inconsiderable 
justification of those proceedings. 

Colonel John Barkstead was a citizen and goldsmith of 
London, who being sensible of the invasions that had been 
made upon the liberties of the nation, took arms among the 
first for their defence, in the quality of captain to a foot 
company in the regiment of Colonel Venn : he had not 
been long in this employment, before his merit advanced 
him to the degree of a major, in which station he was made 

1645 governor of Redding : and afterwards being preferr'd to 
the command of a regiment, he was constituted by the 

1 On Feb. 15, 1661, the personal wife Mary Corbet ; Carte MSS. xli. 
estate of Miles Corbet in Ireland 636. 
was ordered to be delivered to his 






An account of John Okey. 333 

Parliament in consideration of his services, Lieutenant of 1662 
the Tower of London. When he was brought to confirm Aug. 12. 
with the testimony of his blood that cause for which he had l6 5 2 
fought, he performed that part with chearfulness and courage, 
no way derogating from the character of a soldier and 
a true Englishman J . 

Colonel [John] Okey was also a citizen of London, and 
one of those who appeared early in the service of the 
Parliament. He had been first a captain of foot, then 
a captain of horse, and afterwards major in the regiment 
of Sir Arthur Haslerig. In the year 1645, at the time 
when the army was new modell'd, he was made colonel of 
a regiment of dragoons, which was afterwards converted 
into a regiment of horse. In these employments he 
distinguished himself by his courage, conduct and fidelity ; 
and during the usurpation of Oliver Cromwel was dis- Nov. 
miss'd from his command in the army, on account of his 
affection to the Commonwealth. He was chosen by the 
county of Bedford to represent and serve them in the Con- 
vention that was called by Richard ; and after the resti- 
tution of the Great Parliament, they restored him to his 
command in the army. Being ready to suffer for that 
cause which he had strenuously defended, he said in the 
presence of many witnesses, that if he had as many lives as 
he had hairs on his head, he would willingly hazard them 
all on the same account. The sentence against these three 
gentlemen having been executed on the i9th of April 1662, 
the King bestowed the body of Colonel Okey upon his 
wife to dispose as she thought fit ; upon which she ordered 
him to be interr'd at Stepney where his first wife lay in 
a vault that he had purchased for himself and family. But 
the report of this funeral being spread among the people, 
several thousands of them assembled themselves in and 
about Newgate market where the body lay, resolving to 
attend it to the grave. And tho' they behaved themselves 
with decency and modesty, yet the King upon notice of 

1 Lives of Barkstead and Corbet are contained in D. N. B. vols. viii, xiii. 
On Okey, see Noble's ' Lives of the Regicides.' 



334 



Colonel Okey s funeral. 



1662 this appearance, was so alarum'd, that he revoked his grant 
to the colonel's wife, dispatch'd orders to the sheriff to 
disperse the company, and commanded the body to be 
interred in the Tower 1 . 

The report of the inhumanity of the States towards our 
friends being brought to Geneva, we began to doubt 
whether that little Commonwealth, who were under great 
apprehensions of the King of France, might not, if our 
enemies could engage him to press them, follow the 



1 On April 21, Nicholas informed 
the Sheriffs of London that as Okey 
' died with a sense of his horrid 
crime, and exhorted others to submit 
quietly to government,' the King 
was pleased to permit his head and 
quarters to have Christian burial ; 
whereas Barkstead's head was to be 
put over the Traitor's gate in the 
Tower, and Corbet's on the bridge, 
and their quarters on the City gates. 
On April 23 he wrote again, 'The 
King having observed that the re- 
lations of Col. Okey, abusing his 
clemency, are making preparations 
for a solemn funeral, and intend 
a great concourse of people to attend 
it, desires that his head and quarters 
when given to his relations, be 
privately interred in the Tower, and 
that the names of those who have 
designed the said solemnity and 
tumultuous concourse be inquired 
into.' Cal. S. P., Dotn., 1661-2, pp. 
344, 346. Ludlow in his account of 
this incident closely follows the 
pamphlet mentioned on p. 331, note. 
' When Col. Okey's body was 
quartered, it pleased the King to 
send a warrant to the sheriff of 
London, to deliver the macerated 
body to be buried where his wife 
should think meet. Which thing 
being granted, without petition or 
application from her or his relations ; 
and the rumour of his funeral 
suddenly flying about the City, and 
the place appointed at Stepney 



(where his first wife lieth in a fair 
vault, which he purchased formerly 
for a burying-place for him and his 
family), there was a numerous con- 
course of sober, substantial people 
assembled to Christ Church, to attend 
the corpse, and some thousands more 
were coming thither to that purpose ; 
so that there were in view about 
20000 people attending that solemnity, 
at, and coming to the place afore- 
said, who in a solemn and peaceable 
manner behaved themselves, as that 
affair required : yet it so pleased the 
King to revoke his first grant to 
Mris. Okey, and by the Sheriff of 
London to disappoint and send home 
again the company attending the 
funeral ; which Sheriff, with much 
harshness and many bitter words, 
did his work. The people though 
much troubled at the disappointment ; 
yet, so soon as they understood the 
King's pleasure, departed, and left 
the mangled limbs to the dispose of 
them that had devoted them to the 
gibbet and ax ; the company left 
many a thousand sighs to attend 
him to his unknown grave. That 
night the body was carried to the 
Tower of London, and there by 
Mr. Glendon, parson of Barkin, was 
buried . . . And now there he lies, 
and the Tower of London is his 
tomb. His epitaph he partly writ 
in the hearts of thousands at the 
place of execution.' 



The exiles ask Geneva for protection. 335 

example of the Dutch, and deliver us up also. We resolved 1662 
therefore either to procure forthwith an assurance of safety 
for our persons, or to make the best provision we could for 
our selves in some other place. To this end we employ'd 
Mr. Perrot our landlord to discourse with Monsieur Voisin 
the principal Syndic, and to desire him to inform us what 
usage we might expect, in case we should be demanded of 
that state. The Syndic upon this application promised to 
serve us to the utmost of his power, assuring us that if any 
letters should come to his hands concerning us, he would 
not only give us timely notice, but if such a thing should 
fall out in the night, he would cause the water-gate, of which 
he always kept the key, to be opened for our escape ; and 
if we should be obliged to depart by day, we should have 
a free passage through any of the city-gates that we should 
chuse : to all which he added this farther promise, that 
when his brother Syndic Monsieur Dupain should return 
from Bern where he then was, they would consult together 
how to make our residence more safe to us either by 
a publick act or otherwise, as should be found most con- 
venient. With these assurances I was fully satisfied, being 
as I thought as much as could be expected. But Mr. Lisle 
and Mr. Cawley who were likewise in the same place, made 
many objections against our stay, and pressed Mr. Perrot 
upon the return of Mr. Dupain, to put him upon conferring 
with Monsieur Voisin touching our affair. Mr. Perrot upon 
this went to the nephew of the said Monsieur Dupain, who 
was Procurator-General of Geneva, and by him was advised 
that we should address our selves in a publick manner to 
the Council for their protection. This way I opposed as 
a thing not fit for us to ask or the city to grant, least they 
should be brought into difficulties, and perhaps danger 
upon our account. But Mr. Perrot affirming, that the 
Procurator was of opinion, that it was both easy and fit to 
be done, and that his brother who was a leading man in the 
Council was of the same judgment, I thought they were 
best acquainted with their own affairs, and therefore 
resolved to let them proceed as they pleased. Having 



336 The Government of Geneva hesitates. 

1662 made their attempt, they found the success I expected. 
For the business being brought before the Council, Monsieur 
Let one of the Syndics, from whom the first Syndic had 
endeavoured to conceal his correspondence with us, expect- 
ing the payment of a great debt due to him from the King 
of England, or possibly inclining in his affections to that 
interest, not only obstructed the address, but charged those 
who had promoted it with a design of surprising the Council. 
However the Council was so favourable, that tho' they 
thought not convenient to grant the request, yet being 
unwilling to deny us their protection, they put off the 
farther consideration of that affair to another day, some of 
their members in friendship to us advising privately that it 
should be withdrawn, which was done accordingly. In the 
mean time that we might not be wanting to our selves in 
this conjuncture, we made application to the Lords of the 
Swiss Canton of Bern for their protection, in which we were 
most friendly assisted by Monsieur Bailival Lieutenant- 
Governor of Lausanna, who had been lately put into that 
place upon the death of one Godward, the only friend 
to monarchy and enemy to our cause that lived in that 
town. 

Mr. Lisle arid Mr. Cawley meeting with this disappoint- 
ment at Geneva resolved to remove, and to that end hired 
a boat to carry them to Lausanna. I accompanied them to 
the water-side, and whilst I was taking leave, a letter was 
brought to me from the person we had employ'd to their 
Excellencies of Bern ; in which I was assured, they had 
readily condescended to our desires 1 . This was an in- 

1 The Act of Protection. (Raths-Manual, Nro. 143, p. 317, 

' Mittwochens den 16 Aprilis, Bern, Archives.) 

1662. Uff etlicher von des Glaubens ' Dreyer Englischen Herrn Re- 

wegen uss ihrem Land vertriebener traicte. Nous 1'advoyer et conseil 

Engellanderen gebfirendes Nach- de la ville de Berne S9avoir faisons 

werben, dass sy sich, so lang es ir par ces presentes : Que a la requeste 

G. H. Gefallen, und sich wol ver- et recherche deument a nous faicte 

halten werdend, alhier in ihr G. H. par le sieur John Lisle, gentilhomme 

Land uffhalten und ihre Sicherheit Anglais, nous, veu le temoignage 

haben mOgind ; Ihnen deswegen de sa bonne vie et conversation, 

ein Attestation als im W. Sp. B. dont il est accompagnie et recom- 



Bern grants its protection. 337 

couragement to me to continue some time longer at Geneva, 1662 
not doubting their protection when they should find us to 
be favoured and countenanced by their best friends and 
allies. Therefore a day or two after the departure of my 
two friends, I went to the principal Syndic, and having 
excused them as well as I could for leaving the town 
without waiting on him, I acquainted him that the applica- 
tion to the Council was made without my advice, and that 
I was before, as well as now, fully satisfied with the verbal 
engagement he had given for our security ; which I had no 
sooner said, when he, nor without discomposure, and as 
I conjectured, fear, made answer, that he could no longer 
think himself obliged by his promises, having gone so far, 
in expectation that what had passed between us should be 
kept secret ; whereas now he thought the King of England 
might have notice of it. Upon this retractation, thinking 
it too hazardous to remain any longer at Geneva, I departed 
the next day, accompanied by a particular friend, for 
Lausanna, where we found Mr. Lisle and Mr. Cawley, who 
had received the Act of Protection from the Lords of Bern April 16. 
granted under our own proper names, which I mention for 
their honour, who shewed their courage and generosity in 
owning us and our cause, when we had been abandoned 
by those, whose true interest was the same with our own. 

In the month of July 1662, I received letters from 
England with an account of the trial, sentence and death 
of Sir Henry Vane ; of which I shall only say, that he 

mande de bonne part, oil il a sejourne concession pour y pouvoir avoir libre 

par cydevant, comme membre de demeure en seurte, en se comportant 

1'eglise reformee, faisant profession comme dessus. En foy des presentes 

de la religion evangelique, luy avons munies de nostre sceau accoustume 

permis et concede sa retraite Here et donnees le 16 d'Apvril, 1662. 

nos terres et pays, pour y vivre en ' Ein gleiche Patent pour le sieur 

gentilhomme d'honneur et de bonne Edmond Ludlone, und ein gleiche 

et singuliere reputation soubs notre fur Vulliam Cambey gentilhomme 

protection, tandis qu'il nous plaira. Anglais. 

Mandants sur ce et commandants ' Weltsch Spruch-Buch der Statt 

a nos baillifs et subjects de nostre Bern. Decrets-Romands, nr. 4, p. 

pays de Vauld es lieux, que le dit 66. Lausanne Archives.' 

sieur 1'Isle se vouldra habituer, de le Stern, Briefe Englischer Fliicht- 

rendre jouissant de notre presente Hnge, p. 23. 
VOL. II. Z 



338 The trial of Sir Henry Vane. 

1662 behaved himself on all those occasions in such a manner 
that he left it doubtful, whether his eloquence, soundness 
of judgment, and presence of mind, his gravity and mag- 
nanimity, his constant adherence to the cause of his country, 
and heroick carriage during the time of his confinement and 
at the hour of death ; or the malice of his enemies and 
their frivolous suggestions at his trial, the breach of the 
publick faith in the usage he found, the incivility of the 
bench, and the savage rudeness of the sheriff, who com- 
manded the trumpets several times to sound that he might 
not be heard by the people, were more remarkable *. 

The following account of this (and another transaction 
which I care not to insist upon) being sent to me at Geneva, 
I may not omit to insert in this place, because it seems to 
give the true reasons of the Court of England for hurrying 
Sir Henry Vane out of the world. 

June t <v. ' On Friday last being the sixteenth of this instant June 
1662, Sir Henry Vane pleaded for his life, and Major- 
General Lambert for his ; or rather, the first pleaded for 
the life and liberties of his country, and the other for his 
own. The issue in all appearance will be, that Sir Henry 
will be put to death and Lambert pardoned, tho' both are 
under sentence of condemnation. The reason of this dis- 
tinction is no other, than the manner of their defence, the 
one alledging the authority of the Great Parliament for his 
justification, and that he was indemnified by the Act of 
Amnesty ; the other meanly extenuating and excusing what 
he did against Sir George Boothe and Monk (which was 
the principal part of the accusation against him) by pleading 
ignorance of their intentions, neither of them having 
declared that they designed to restore the King, and Monk 
to the contrary having openly declared for the restitution 
of the Parliament. Sir Henry Vane was long in his 

1 'This day I saw Sir Harry Vane command of the captain of the 

die, who shewed very great boldness guard at his execution, as he was 

and indeed seditious impudence on making his harangue.' Peter Pett 

the scaffold, insomuch that to silence to Bishop Bramhall, Rawdon Papers, 

him the noise of drums and trumpets p. 166. 
was five or six times used by the 






An account of Sir Henry Vane. 339 

defence, but not tedious : he much perplexed both court 1662 
and council, and has acquired eternal reputation by nobly 
pleading for the dying liberties of his country ; it being 
clear that all the party which seemed to be indemnified by 
the Act of Amnesty, shall be punished in his person ; and 
that for this cause only, that in his pleading he under- 
took by the authority of the said Parliament to justify 
what he had done ; maintaining, that the House of Com- 
mons representing the whole body of the people, in case 
of difference between the authority royal and politick, 
possesses a just power to defend the rights of the people, 
and to authorize the people of England, and every one of 
them, to defend them.' 

Sir Henry Vane was a gentleman of an ancient family 
in the county of Durham, eldest son to Sir Henry Vane, 
who had been Secretary of State and Comptroller of the 
Household to the late King. Being scandalized with the 
innovations brought into the publick worship, he went to 
New England, and remained there for the space of five or 
six years ; the two last of which he was consecutively 
chosen governor of that country, tho' not exceeding the 
age of twenty four years. In the beginning of the Great 
Parliament, he was elected to serve his country among 
them, without the least application made on his part to 
that end : and in this station he soon made appear how 
capable he was of managing great affairs, possessing in the 
highest perfection, a quick and ready apprehension, a strong 
and tenacious memory, a profound and penetrating judg- 
ment, a just and noble eloquence, with an easy and graceful 
manner of speaking. To these were added, a singular zeal 
and affection for the good of the Commonwealth, and 
a resolution and courage not to be shaken or diverted from 
the publick service. He had been removed by the late 
King from being Treasurer of the Navy, for performing his 
duty in the House of Commons, and being restored to that 
employment by the Parliament, he freely contributed one 
half of the profits, amounting to the sum of two thousand 
pounds yearly, towards carrying on the war for the liberties 

Z 2, 



340 The sale of Dunkirk. 

1662 of England. When that war was ended, he put the receipt 
for the navy in such a way, that by order of the Parliament, 
the whole expence of that office exceeded not one thousand 
pounds by year ; men being brought by this means to 
understand, that they were not placed in employments to 
serve themselves, but to serve the publick. And that this 
conduct was not mistaken, the successes of our arms by sea 
against Portugal, France, Holland, and other enemies, did 
abundantly manifest. When Cromwel had treacherously 
advanced himself upon the ruins of the Commonwealth, he 
would not be induced by any means to favour or countenance 
his usurpation, chusing rather to suffer imprisonment and 
other hardships, than to comply with tyranny under any 
form. Upon the return of King Charles, being conscious to 
himself of having done nothing in relation to publick affairs, 
for which he could not willingly and chearfully suffer, he 
continued at his house in Hampstead near London ; where 
under false and unworthy pretences, that he had engaged in 
councils with some of the army to drive him out of England 
again, he was seized and imprisoned in the Tower ; from 
whence he was carried from one place to another for the 
space of about two years ; after the expiration of which, 
they who feared his abilities, and knew his integrity, thought 
convenient to violate the publick faith, and under a form of 
law to put him to death. 

The King of France, who had been fully informed of the 
importance of the town of Dunkirk, which had been 
acquir'd by the arms of the Commonwealth ; and that his 
brother of England, notwithstanding the vast sums he had 
received from the people, still wanted more to supply the 
excesses of his way of living, tempted him with the offer of 
between three and four hundred thousand pounds for that 
place, which after some difficulties was accepted, the 
bargain struck, and the town surrendred to the French : 
an action so infamous that it wants a name, rendring him 
equally contemptible both to Protestants and Papists, and 
so astonishing in the eyes of all Europe, that no man on 
this side the sea would believe it possible, till they found it 



A treaty between England and Holland. 341 

confirm'd from all parts, that the French were actually 1662 
enter'd into possession. 

About the same time a treaty was concluded between 
England and Holland, the foundation of which having been 
laid in the blood of our three friends before-mention'd, the 
superstructure was raised with the like materials ; and the 
Dutch agreed to an article, importing, that if any, who had 
been the judges of the late King, or otherwise excepted from 
the benefit of the Act of Indemnity, should be found within 
their territories, they should upon demand be forthwith 
delivered into the hands of such as should be appointed by 
the King of England to receive them : and that if any 
other persons of the English nation should at any time be 
demanded by the King, the States obliged themselves to 
surrender them also, in case they should be found in that 
country fourteen days after such demand made. 

In the mean time the English Court knowing themselves 
to be fallen under the hatred and contempt of the people 
for their cruelty, immorality and corruption, aggravated by 
the late sale of Dunkirk, resolved by the contrivance of 
a plot to disarm their enemies, and provide for their present 
safety. To this end by the means of Major-Genera] Brown 
and others, mony was advanced and arms put into the 
hands of some persons, among whom one Bradley who had 
formerly belonged to Cromwel was the principal, that by 
giving small sums to indigent officers of the late army, and 
by shewing the arms they had ready, they might engage 
them and others in this pretended design. An account of 
this plot was printed and published, affirming, that divers 
thousands of ill-affected persons were ready, under my 
command, to seize the Tower and the City of London ; then 
to march directly to Whitehall in order to kill the King 
and Monk, with a resolution to give no quarter to any that 
adhered to them, and after that to declare for a Common- 
wealth. By this means one Baker, who had been of the 
guard to Cromwel, and since the disbanding of the army 
had been reduced to grind knives for a poor living, having 
received half a crown from Bradley, and promised his 



342 A pretended conspiracy. 

1662 assistance when there should be occasion, was executed 
with some others for this conspiracy 1 . However this served 
the Court for a pretence to seize five or six hundred 
persons ; to disarm all those they suspected ; to require 
those they had taken to give bonds of 200 each, not 
to take up arms against the King, and to increase their 
standing guards. They were not ashamed also to give 
out, that their messengers had been so near to seize my 
person, that they had taken my cloak and slippers, and 
committed two gentlemen to the Tower for accompanying 
me, as they said, to the sea-side in order to my escape ; tho' 
at the same time they knew so well where I was, that they 
had employ'd instruments to procure me to be assassinated 
in Switzerland, which was discovered to a merchant of 
Lausanna by a person of quality living in these parts, who 
had refused ten thousand crowns offered to him on the part 
of the Dutchess of Anjou, sister to his gracious Majesty, if 
he would undertake that province. 

The Earl of Antrim, an Irish papist, and one who had 
been concerned among the first in the rebellion of that 
country, having been seized at London, as I mentioned 
before, and afterwards sent prisoner to Ireland, was ordered 
by a letter under the King's hand and seal to be cleared 
and set at liberty, charging the guilt of that rebellion 
upon his father, and affirming in the said letter, that the 
Earl of Antrim had not done any thing, without warrant 
and authority from the King his father ; tho' it was well 
known that he had his head and hands deeply and early 
engaged in that bloody work 2 . Thus the mask was openly 
taken off, in confidence that a people deprived of their 
leaders, dispirited by the late executions, and awed by the 
authority of a complying House of Commons, would not be 
able to shew their resentment. 

1 On this plot, see Kennet's off; he wasprobably what was termed 

Register, 839, 845; Cal. S. P., Dom., a ' trepanner.' Cal. 1663-4, p. 28. 

1661-2, pp. 567, 591; and the trial a On the Earl of Antrim's case, 

of Tonge and others in the State see Clarendon, Continuation of Life, 

Trials. Tonge and others were exe- 259-269 ; Carte's Ormond, vol. iv. 

cuted, Baker seems to have been let pp. 163, 168, 174, 177, ed. 1851- 



More exiles come to Lausanne. 343 

In the months of September and October i66[a], we 1662 
had a considerable addition to our company by the arrival 
of Mr. William Say, Colonel Bisco, Mr. Serjeant Dendy, 
Mr. Nicholas Love, Mr. Andrew Broughton, Mr. Slingsby 
Bethel, and Mr. Cornelius Holland at Lausanna. The 
three gentlemen first named having passed by Bern in 
their journey to us had made a visit to Mr. Humelius, the 
principal minister of that place, who having a competent 
knowledge of the English tongue, had been highly kind 
and serviceable in procuring the order of the lords of Bern 
for our protection 1 . By him they were entertained with 
all manner of civilities, and informed that we were at 
Lausanna, which gave us an opportunity of returning our 
acknowledgment for his favour to our friends and country- 
men, with our desires that he would be pleased to present 
our humble thanks to their Excellencies for their honourable 
protection ; being obliged to use this way rather than any 
other, not only because of the respect he had acquired in 
that place by his singular merit, but because we were not 
sufficiently acquainted with the language of the country, to 
make our addresses to the government. Upon the return 
of his answer to our message we perceived that he had 
performed our desires with great affection, and that it was 
the opinion of our best friends there, and in particular of 
Mr. Treasurer Steiger, that for many reasons it would 
be more convenient for us to remove to Vevay, than to 
remain longer at Lausanna. Having received this advice, 
six of us 2 , after we had taken leave of the magistrates, 

1 Humelius, i. e. Johann Heinrich and Dean of the clergy. He died 

Hummel, born at Brugg in Aargau in 1672. In his correspondence in 

in 1611, educated in theology at the Bern archives the letters of 

Bern, had obtained an exhibition Ludlow and other regicides printed 

permitting him to travel, lived some by Stern are preserved. Stern, 

time in London, and visited Oxford Briefe Englischer Fliichtlinge, 1874, 

and Cambridge. In England he p. xiii. These are now reprinted in 

made the acquaintance of Thomas the Appendix. 

Gatacre (1574-1654) rector of Rother- a Lisle, Cawley, Say, Love, Bethel, 

hithe, an eminent puritan divine and and Holland, six without counting 

author. In 1662, Hummel was Ludlow himself, 
pastor of the orphanage at Bern 



344 



The exiles remove to Vevay. 



1662 who expressed their sorrow for our departure, quitted our 
residence and went to Vevay ; but Mr. Phelps and Colonel 
Bisco 1 having bought goods at Geneva, and other places, 
resolved to try if by trading in Germany and Holland, they 
could improve the stock of mony they had. Mr. Serjeant 
Dendy and Mr. Andrew Broughton chose rather to continue 
at Lausanna than to remove with us, yet promising to 
make us frequent visits where-ever we should resolve to fix 
our habitation 2 . 

At Vevay we were received with the greatest demonstra- 
tions of kindness and affection both from the magistrates 
and people : the publick wine was presented to us in 
great abundance, and the next morning the Banderet or 
principal magistrate, accompanied by most of the members 
of the Council, came to the place where we lay to give us 
a visit ; expressing themselves ready to serve us to the 
utmost of their power; giving us thanks for the honour 
they said we did the town in coming to reside among them 3 ; 



1 John Biscoe was in 1645 a 
captain in Montagu's regimentof foot. 
The regiment passed successively to 
Lambert and Sir William Constable, 
Biscoe becoming Colonel himself 
in 1656 on Constable's death. He 
sided with Lambert in 1659, an< ^ on 
Feb. i, 1660, Parliament gave the 
command of his regiment to George 
Fleetwood. 

2 John Phelps and Andrew Brough- 
ton were by the Commissioners for 
the trial of Charles I appointed 
Clerks of the Court, Jan. 10, 1649. 
Nalson, Trial of Charles I, pp. 9, 12. 
Broughton died in 1687 and was 
buried in St. Martin's Church, Vevay. 
For his epitaph, see Appendix. 

3 Edward Dendy, Serjeant-at-arms, 
was the official appointed (Jan. 8, 
1649) to make proclamation touching 
the King's trial (Jan. 9). Nalson, 
Trial of Charles I, pp, 6, 8, 10, no. 
He was the son of another Serjeant 
Edward Dendy (Cal. S. P., Dom., 
1660-1, p. 21). Dendy had narrowly 



escaped capture when he was in 
Holland. Downing's correspondence 
with Clarendon shows how closely 
the exiled Regicides were watched ; 
cf. p. 330 note. On June 6, 1661, he 
reported that Lieut.-Col. Joyce and 
Paul Hobson were at Rotterdam. 
On Aug. 6, he presented a memorial 
to the States of Holland, praying that 
orders might be given for the secur- 
ing of the persons excluded from the 
Act of Indemnity, and he obtained 
a warrant from the States of Holland 
and West Friesland ordering the 
officers of justice to arrest Dendy. 
On Aug. 12, he wrote to Clarendon 
that he had done what he could to 
obtain Dendy's arrest by the States 
of Holland, but the order had been 
delayed, and private information 
given to Dendy, who was gone. 
' I do not know,' answered Claren- 
don, ' that you could do more than 
you did in the case of Dendy ; yet 
it is plain that upon the granting of 
any such warrant notice will be 



Their reception by the Magistrates. 345 

and assuring us, that tho' they were sufficiently informed 1662 
concerning our persons and employments both civil and 
military, yet the principal motive that inclined them to 
offer their services in so hearty a manner was, the con- 
sideration of our sufferings for the liberties of our country. 
We returned our thanks as well as we could ; and the next 
day having retired to a private house belonging to one 
Monsieur Dubois who was one of the Council of the town 1 , 
we were again visited by the magistrates and presented 
with wine, with assurances that their Excellencies of Bern 
had caused them to understand, that they would take the 
civilities they should do to us, as done to themselves. They 
acquainted us also, that seats were order'd for us in both 
their churches ; that the Commander, as they name him, 
was directed to accompany us the first time to the one, and 
the Chatelain to the other. These favours so considerable, 
so cordial and so seasonable, I hope a man in my condition 
may mention, without incurring the charge of ostentation. 

The endless prodigality of the English Court, the Nov. 
persecution of the Dissenters, the sale of Dunkirk, the l66a 
articles exhibited in Parliament by the Earl of Bristol J" 1 ? I0 - 
against the Chancellor Hyde, and the factions ensuing on 
that account, together with many other causes of discontent 
and division, had so alienated the affections of the people 
from their King, that the best judges were of opinion, that 
if a favourable conjuncture should happen, they would be 
as ready to shake off the yoak, as they had been foolish 
and inconsiderate in putting it on: and our friends in all 
parts began to entertain hopes that they might be again 
employ'd to rescue their country from servitude. In this 
posture of affairs, Colonel Algernon Sidney, who, when 
Monk acted his treacherous part in England, was one of 
the three plenipotentiaries that had been sent by the 

given them ; but I like your designe * On the precise situation of Lud- 

well of causing any of them to be low's house at Vevay, see extracts 

arrested, and afterwards they will from a letter of Sir Richard Burton's, 

not so easily get from you.' Claren- published in the Academy, Jan. 

don MSS. ; Lister, Life of Clarendon, 26, 1889, and reprinted in the Ap- 

iii. 152, 155, 169. pendix. 



346 Algernon Sidney visits the exiles. 



1663 Parliament to mediate a peace between the two northern 
crowns, which they effected in conjunction with the like 
number impowered by the States of Holland to that end ; 
and since that time had resided at Rome and other parts 
of Italy, thought convenient to draw nearer home, that if 
an opportunity should offer, he might not be wanting to his 
duty and the publick service. In his way he was pleased 
to honour us with a visit in our retirement in Switzerland, 
assuring us of his affection and friendship, and no way 
declining to own us and the cause for which we suffer'd 1 . 
He favour'd us with his company for about three weeks, 
and at his departure presented me with a pair of pistols, 
the barrils of which were made at Brescia in Lombardy by 
old Lazzarino Cominazzo 2 . Designing to go for Flanders, 
where he resolved to pass the ensuing winter, he took 
his journey by the way of Bern, doing all the good offices 
he could for us with the Advoyer and other principal 
magistrates, assuring them of the great sense we had of 
their Excellencies favours, and of our desires to have our 
acknowledgment presented to them in the best manner ; 



1 Sidney's visit apparently took 
place in the autumn of 1663. After 
the restoration he settled at Rome. 
In his Apology he says : ' That the 
most malicious of my enemies should 
not pretend that I practiced anything 
against the government I made 
Rome the place of my retreat, which 
was certainly an ill scene to act 
anything that was displeasing unto 
it. But I soone found, that noe in- 
offensivenesse of behaviour could 
preserve me against the malice of 
thoes whoe sought to destroy me ; 
and was deffended from such as 
there designed to assassinate me, 
only by the charity of strangers. 
When the care of my private affaires 
brought me into Flanders and Hol- 
land, anno 1663, the same dangers 
accompanied me ; and, that noe 
place might be safe unto me, Andrew 
White, with some others, were sent 



into the most remote parts of Ger- 
many to murther me.' In Dec. 
1663, Sidney was at Brussels think- 
ing of raising a regiment to serve 
the Emperor against the Turks. ' He 
hoped,' he told his brother, 'to 
get a strong body of the soldiers and 
officers of our old army both horse 
and foot.' Itwas after these attempts 
to find either employment or a quiet 
refuge abroad had been frustrated, 
that Sidney accepted the opportunity 
offered by the Dutch war. After 
the peace of 1667 he seems to have 
retired to Gascony. 

2 Speaking of Brescia, Evelyn says : 
' Here I purchased of old Lazarino 
Cominazzo my fine carabine, which 
cost me 9 pistoles, this city being 
famous for their firearms, and that 
workman, with Jo. Bap. Franco, the 
best esteemed.' Diary, ed. Wheatly, 
i. 268. 



Ludlowe] Love, and Broughton go to Bern. 347 

not forgetting to let them know, that they would oblige 1663 
a considerable part of the good people of England by their 
kindness and civilities to us. He had a long conference 
with the Advoyer about the affairs of England, and in 
a letter written to me from Bern he acquainted me, that he 
thought he had left him and others in a temper rather to 
add than diminish their favours to us. But upon the whole 
matter our noble friend advised that some of us, who might 
be best able to travel, should go to Bern, and pay our 
complement to the government in our own persons, 
intimating that so generous and publick a favour deserved 
a publick acknowledgment. Having imparted this advice 
to our friends, Mr. Nicholas Love 1 , and Mr. Andrew 
Broughton (who tho' usually residing at Lausanna was 
then with us) offered their company ; but Mr. Lisle made 
many objections against this undertaking at that time 2 , so 
that we three were obliged to go to Bern in the name of 
the rest of the company. Being arrived there we went first 
to wait on our good friend Mr. Humelius, who received us Oct. 4. 
with great affection, and expressed his joy for the resolution 
we had taken to present our thanks personally to their 
Excellencies. We desired of him that some means might 
be found to make our addresses with as little ceremony 
and noise as possible, which he approved, and promised to 
see Mr. Treasurer Steiger the same evening, and to consult 
with him, in order to serve us according to our desires, 
assuring us that the next morning we should hear from 
them. In conformity to his promise Mr. Humelius came 
to us in person, with assurances from the Treasurer of his 
affection and services ; acquainting us, that we should have 
the liberty of making our acknowledgment to the Council 

1 Nicholas Love had fled beyond Court, and pleaded that he might 

seas before the restoration. When not be excluded from the Act of 

the King by proclamation summoned Indemnity. 7th Report, Hist. MSS. 

the Regicides to surrender he was Comm. p. 119. As he was excepted 

too far away to do so within the and attainted he remained abroad, 
time fixed, and petitioned Parliament a See Lisle's letter of apology, 

for an extension of the time. He Oct. i, 1663, in Appendix, addressed 

had not signed the sentence, though to Humelius. 
present at several sittings of the 



348 Address to the Lords of Bern. 

1663 of Bern in our own manner, either by speech or writing, as 
should be most agreeable to us. Upon which, considering 
our inability to express our selves in the French or German 
language as was requisite on such an occasion, we resolved 
to do it in writing. Having agreed upon this way, we 
accompanied Mr. Humelius to see his children, as he called 
them, who were orphans of both sexes, born of poor parents, 
and bred up by the magistracy in a place set apart for that 
purpose, all manner of necessaries being provided for them, 
'till they should be capable of being employ'd in such 
trades as were proper for persons in their condition. From 
thence we retired to prepare our address, which we agreed 
to present in the French tongue as follows. 

' Ilhistres, Hants et Puissans Sottverains et Trez honorez 

Seigneurs. 

'Ayantestecontraints par 1'etrange revolution des affaires 
d'Angleterre (le lieu de nostre naissance) pour eviter 1'orage 
qui nous menacoit & tous les gensde bien, de quitter nostre 
patrie, apres que nous y avions fait nostre possible pour 
1'avancement de la gloire de Dieu & le bien de la Republique, 
nous avons trouve une assistance particuliere du Tout Puis- 
sant, en ce qu'il a dispose vos Excellences a nous secourir 
& proteger au temps de nostre adversite. C'est cette faveur 
que deux de nos compatriotes & un de nous ont deja ex- 
perimente par la protection particuliere quil a plu a vos 
Excellences de leur accorder, les autres se reposans sur la 
generale, que toutes personnes pieuses & paisibles obtiennent 
sous le gouvernement juste & favorable de vos Excellences. 

' Comme nous sommes obligez d'addresser nos voeux au 
Seigneur pour le remercier d'une grace si particuliere; aussi, 
afin de temoigner a vos Excellences jusqu'ou va nostre 
ressentiment, nous avons plusieurs fois prie quelques Sei- 
gneurs de vostre illustre Senat, de vous 1'assurer de nostre 
part. Mais ayant depuis esprouve* les effets de vostre bonte" 
d'une maniere extraordinaire, nous avons cru estre oblige 
de rendre personellement ce devoir a vos Excellences. C'est 
ce que font a present deux d'entre nous, de nostre propre 



Address to the Lords of Bern. 349 

part & de celle de ceux qui ont este consent par vostre 1663 
protection generate ; et un de nostre nombre, de sa propre 
part, & de celle de Monsieur Guillaume Cawley, a qui vos 
Excellences ont fait la grace de donner une protection par- 
ticuliere ; qui est tres afflige que les infirmitez corporelles 
qui 1'accompagnent, le privent du bien & du contentement 
qu'il auroit receu, s'il eust pu avoir 1'avantage de vous 
temoigner sa reconnoissance en personne. 

' Comme nous avons pris cette occasion pour vous donner 
des assurances du ressentiment que nous avons de tant de 
bonte" qu'il a plu a vos Excellences de nous temoigner, 
nous prenons aussi ce temps pour vous assurer de nostre 
obeissance, & de la grande passion que nous avons de vous 
en pouvoir donner quelques marques considerables, si Dieu 
nous en donne 1'occasion, dont nous ne desesperons point. 
Cependant nous prierons 1'Eternel qu'il vueille fortifier vos 
Excellences de plus en plus a le servir, jusques a ce qu'ayant 
paracheve le cours de cette vie, vous veniez a recevoir la 
couronne qui est prepare pour ceux qui le craignent. 
' Illustres, Hauts & Puissans Soverains, 
& tres honorez Seigneurs, 

' Vos Serviteurs Tres humbles 
& Tresobeissants, 

{ EDMOND LUDLOW, &c.' 
The same in English. 
c To the Illustrious, High and Mighty Sovereigns and most 

honoured Lords, their Excellencies of Bern. 
' Having been constrained by the late extraordinary 
revolution of affairs in England, the place of our birth, for 
avoiding the storm that threatned us and the good people 
there, to quit that land, after we had used our utmost 
endeavours for the advancement of God's glory and the 
good of our country, we find cause to admire the goodness 
of the Almighty, for inclining your Excellencies to succour 
and protect us in this time of our distress. This favour two 
of our country-men, and one of our number, have already 
received, by virtue of those particular protections which it 



350 Address to the Lords of Bern. 

1663 has pleased your Excellencies to grant ; the rest of our 
company relying on the general one, that all pious and 
peaceable persons enjoy under your Excellencies righteous 
and just government. 

' As we esteem our selves obliged to bless God for this 
signal and especial favour ; so also to testify to your Ex- 
cellencies our grateful acknowledgment, we have divers times 
desired some of the honourable Lords of this illustrious 
Senat to present you with our most humble thanks. But 
every day more and more experiencing the effects of your 
goodness and favour, we have thought our selves obliged 
personally to pay this duty to your Excellencies. This two 
of us do at this time for our selves, and in the behalf of 
others who have been preserved by virtue of your general 
protection ; and one of us for himself and on the part of 
Mr. William Cawley, one of those, to whom your Excel- 
lencies have been pleased to grant a particular protection ; 
who finds himself sensibly afflicted, that the infirmities of 
his body do now deprive him of the happiness and satis- 
faction he should have received if he could have tender'd 
his duty in person l . 

' Having taken this occasion to testify the deep sense we 
have of your Excellencies favours, we desire leave to assure 
you of our obedience, and the ambition we have to give 
some signal testimony of our gratitude to your Excellencies, 
if God shall favour us with an opportunity, of which we do 
not despair. In the mean time, that God will fortify your 
Excellencies in his service, till having finished your course 
in this world, you shall receive the crown prepared for those 
that fear him, shall be the prayer of 

' Illustrious, High and Mighty Sovereigns, 
and most honoured Lords, 

' Your most humble and most 
obedient servants, 

' EDMUND LUDLOW, &c.' 

1 Two letters from Cawley to Cawley died in 1666 and was buried 
Humelius, written under the name of in St. Martin's Church, Vevay. 
Johnson, are printed in the Appendix. For his epitaph, see Appendix, 



The Address delivered to the Advoyer. 351 

We had scarce finished this paper, when Mr. Treasurer 1663 
Steiger 1 , accompanied by Mr. Humelius, came to our 
lodging ; and having acquainted us that he should not 
have failed to be with us in the morning, if the publick 
affairs had not required his presence at the Council, he made 
us the offer of his services in a most affectionate manner, 
and declared his resolution to assist us to the utmost of his 
power ; expressing his detestation of the late action of the 
States of Holland, in delivering up our friends into the 
hands of their mortal enemies, and purchasing the security 
of their trade with so much shame to themselves. When 
we had answered his civilities in the best manner we could, 
and given him our thanks for the offers of his favour, we 
shewed him the paper above-mentioned ; which having 
perused and approved, he desired Mr. Humelius to ac- 
company us to the Advoyer (or President of the Council, by 
whose hands all addresses pass to their Excellencies) and 
took his leave for that time. 

The Advoyer being informed that we were waiting to 
present our selves to him, gave orders for our admittance, 
and received us with great kindness ; expressing his sense 
of the justice of that cause which we had defended, and for 
which we then suffered, together with the esteem, which he 
assured us their Excellencies in general, and himself in 
particular, had of our persons. We desired him to believe, 
that we had the deepest sense of his and their Excellencies 
favour, attributing the civilities and respect we had received 
as well from the magistrates as from the people in all 
places within the territories of their Excellencies, to the 
bounty and favour of the government towards us : to which 
he replied, that he was very glad, their officers and others 
of their subjects had so well performed their duty. Then 
proceeding to acquaint him with the occasion of our coming 

1 Emmanuel Steiger of Bern > again a member of the Little Council in 
1615-70, was member of the Great t66o, and at the same time appointed 
Council in 1638, Landvogt of Lugano Treasurer of the ' Weltschen-Lan- 
in 1642 and of Grandson in 1645, den,' and in 1664 also chief corn- 
member of the Little Council in 1652, mander of the forces of the same 
Landvogt at Trachselwald in 1654, districts. 



352 Ludlow views the sights of Bern. 

1663 to Bern, I delivered the address into his hands, with our 
humble desires that it might be presented to their Ex- 
cellencies ; which when he had read and intimated that my 
name was not unknown to him, he assured us with much 
affection, that he would not fail to present it to their Ex- 
cellencies, and to return a speedy answer. I would have 
saved him that trouble, and therefore told him that we 
expected no answer, and desired no more than their 
Excellencies acceptance of our humble acknowledgments. 
But he said we should have an answer ; accompanying us, 
when we took leave, to the outward gate, not permitting us 
to prevail with him to the contrary. 

Having dispatch'd this business, we went to take a view 
of the publick buildings, particularly that, where the Senate 
and Council of Two Hundred are used to assemble 1 . The 
chambers are opposite to each other, and divided by 
a narrow passage, on both sides of which are rooms for the 
reception of such as have any affairs in either of those 
places. From thence we were conducted to the Arsenal, 
where we saw a train of artillery consisting of about one 
hundred pieces of all kind of ordnance, with ammunition 
and all things necessary 2 . There were arms, as I con- 
jectur'd, sufficient for about twenty thousand foot, and 
a proportionable number of horse. But I confess nothing 
that I saw gave me greater satisfaction, than to find a statue 

1 Burnet in his 'Travels' gives two Bursars or Treasurers, one for the 

an account of the constitution of ancient German territory, the other 

Bern which illustrates this passage. for the French territory, or county of 

'It has a Council of 200 that goes Vaud. . .There are seventy- two Baili- 

by that name, though it consists ages into which the whole Canton of 

almost of a 300, and another of Bern is divided; and in every one of 

twenty-five, as Geneva. The Chief these there is a Bailif, named by the 

Magistrates are two Advoyers, who Council of 200 . . . the Bailif is the 

are not annual, as the Sindics of governor and judge in that jurisdic- 

Geneva, but are for life ; and have an tion.' Letters containing an account 

authority not unlike that of the of what seemed most remarkable in 

Roman Consuls: each being his travelling through Switzerland, &c. in 

year by turns the Advoyer in office. theyears i68sand i686,ed. 1689^.14. 

After them there are the four Ban- 2 AddisonalsodescribestheArsenal 

nerets, who answer to the Tribunes of of Bern and its contents. Remarks 

the people in Rome : then come the on Italy, p. 274. 



The story of William Tel. 353 

erected in one of the chambers of the arsenal, to the 1663 
memory of William Tel, who may in great measure be 
called the Founder of this Commonwealth. For when 
a certain knight called Grisler, who was governor of Ury 
and Suitz, after many repeated acts of tyranny, had 
wantonly caused a cap to be set on the top of a pole in the 
market-place of Altorf, commanding all those who should 
pass that way to uncover their heads, and to pay the same 
honours to the cap, as if he himself had been there present 
in person ; William Tel refused to obey, and for his dis- 
obedience was sentenced by Grisler to be put to death, 
unless he could with one arrow hit an apple that should be 
placed on the head of his son. To this hard condition he 
was compelled to submit, and on the day appointed, in the 
presence of the Governor, struck the apple with his arrow 
from the child's head. But Grisler having observed that he 
had brought with him two arrows, tho' he might use no 
more than one ; and desiring to be informed why he had 
so done, William Tel, upon the Governor's promise that he 
should not be put to death, acknowledged, that if he had 
killed his son with the one, he would have reveng'd his 
blood on the tyrant with the other. The Governor conscious 
of his own crimes, and therefore fearing the resolution of 
such a man, tho' he would not put him to death, resolved 
to imprison him during life ; and to that end caused him 
to be tied and thrown into a boat, with intention to see 
him securely laid in the dungeon of the strong castle of 
Cusnach. After they had been some time upon the lake of 
Ury, a violent storm arising, the Governor finding his life 
in great danger, and knowing Tel to be an expert waterman, 
caused him to be unbound, that he might help to save the 
lives of himself and company. This he undertook to do, 
and steering towards Suitz brought the boat so near the 
shoar, that taking up his cross-bow which lay by him, he 
leaped out upon a rock, (called to this day 'The Stone of Tel') 
pushed off the boat with his foot, and made his escape into 
the mountains. In the mean time the Governor lay floating 
in his boat upon the water, and not without great danger 

VOL. II. A a 



354 The answer of the Lords of Bern. 

1663 and difficulty at last arrived in the port of Brunn, from 
whence he continued his way to Cusnach ; of which William 
Tel being informed, and well acquainted with every part of 
the woods and hills, he posted himself in a private place 
by which the tyrant was to pass, and with his cross-bow 
shot him dead upon the spot. The success of this action 
so animated the rest of his associates who had formed 
a design to restore the liberty of their country, that on 
a day appointed they seized their governors, demolished the 
castles where they lived, banished them and their families, 
and bravely freed themselves from that tyranny which they 
could not bear. Besides the statue of William Tel taken 
in full proportion, standing with a cross-bow in his hand, 
and aiming at an apple on a child's head, there is also 
a statue of the first Advoyer, with two more, of persons 
who were principally eminent in establishing the Common- 
wealth, armed de cap en pied, and one of them on horse- 
back, to encourage others to defend that liberty which their 
ancestors had purchased for them. 

This night as we were at supper we received a comple- 
ment from the Advoyer, accompanied with a present of 
wine ; and the next morning an order was brought to 
Mr. Humelius, who was then with us, from their Excel- 
lencies of Bern, written in the German tongue, which being 
translated by him into English contained as follows : 

' September the y4. 1663. 

' Concerning the three English gentlemen, who have for 
some time resided at Vevay, and have this day presented 
in our Assembly of Council their thanks for our protection 
formerly granted to them ; 'tis resolved, that they shall be 
saluted on our part with a present of wine, and that 
Mr. Treasurer Steiger, with Mr. Kilberger and you our 
Doyne, do acquaint them with our affection and good will 
to them, and assure them of the continuation of the same 
for the time to come V 

1 The date of this order should her 3, as the letter of John Lisle 
probably be October 3, not Septem- shows. Appendix, p. 481. 






Ludlow entertained by the Senate. 355 

Mr. Humelius after he had read this order, informed us 1663 
that the gentlemen therein mentioned, with some other 
magistrates, designed to dine with us that day, and had 
desired him to accompany them. Accordingly between 
eleven and twelve Mr. Treasurer Steiger, Colonel Weiss, 
and one more of the 24 Senators, in the room of Mr. 
Kilberger, who was diverted by some publick business, 
attended by the Grand Sautier * with his mace, and three 
other gentlemen, came to us at our lodging; where after 
about an hour's discourse, Mr. Treasurer being informed 
that the dinner was set upon the table, invited us to go 
down into the hall, and with great civility placed our 
company, which being done he order'd the Grand Sautier 
to lay aside his mace. After we had sat about a quarter of 
an hour, two officers clothed in their Excellencies' livery 
brought in the present of wine that had been order'd, upon 
which one of the three gentlemen who came with Mr. 
Treasurer arising from the table, harangued us in the name 
of their Excellencies ; concluding with an assurance of the 
continuation of their favour. To this we thought our 
selves obliged to answer, ' That as we ow'd our lives and 
liberties to the protection of their Excellencies, we resolved 
to sacrifice all in their service, when we should be so happy 
to find an occasion.' 

Dinner being over, a question was started by Colonel 
Weiss, How it came to pass, that we, who for many years 
had the whole power of the three nations in our hands, 
were removed from the government without shedding one 
drop of blood ? To which I answer'd, that for the right 
understanding of the affairs that had lately passed in 
England, it would be necessary to take up the matter from 
the beginning. But they pressing me to favour them with 
some account of those transactions, I told them with all 
the brevity I could, ' That most of those persons who had 
first engaged in the war, having made their own peace, had 
endeavour'd to deliver us and the cause it self into the 
hands of our enemies ; and tho' they had many oppor- 

1 ' Sautier ' is explained in Godefroy's Dictionary as ' garde forestier.' 

A a 2 



356 He narrates the story of the Civil Wars. 

1663 tunities to have ended the dispute by destroying the King's 
army, they neglected all, and only endeavoured to reduce 
the Crown to their own terms. This was visible in the 
conduct of the Earl of Essex on several occasions, and in 
that of the Earl of Manchester after the Battle of New- 
berry, who tho' he had twenty thousand men in his army, 
flush'd with that victory, yet suffer'd the King with seven 
thousand only, to carry off the cannon he had left at 
a place which stood near the ground where he had been 
routed a few weeks before, without once offering to attack 
him, giving this at a Council of War for the reason of his 
refusing to fight, "That if the King were beaten twenty 
times by us, he would be still King ; but if he should once 
beat us, we should be all treated as traytors " : for which 
being accused in the House of Commons, tho' they thought 
not convenient to proceed against him criminally; yet 
upon this and divers other considerations, they removed 
him, together with the Earl of Essex and the rest of the 
nobility from their commands in the army, making choice 
of commoners to fill their places, whose interest they knew 
it was to take away the monarchy it self. By this means 
they soon put an end to the war, sentenced the King to 
die for the blood that had been shed, establish'd a free 
Commonwealth, brought their enemies at home to submit 
to their authority, and reduced those abroad to accept such 
terms as they would give. In the midst of all this pros- 
perity they were betray 'd by Oliver Cromwel, whom they 
had entrusted with the command of their army ; who, 
having moulded the greatest part of the officers to his 
purpose, by calumniating the Parliament, proposing ad- 
vancement to the ambitious, and deluding the simple with 
a shew of religion ; back'd by the assistance of the clergy 
and lawyers, (who had been threatned by the Parliament 
with a reformation of their practices) ejected his masters, 
and usurped their authority ; endeavouring during the five 
years of his reign, to ruin all that had been faithful to the 
interest of the Commonwealth, and advancing those who 
would not scruple to sacrifice their consciences to his 



An account of the Restoration. 357 

ambition. By these ways the army became so corrupted, 1663 
that tho' after the usurper's death they had been persuaded 
with great difficulty to depose the son, and to permit the 
restitution of the Parliament, yet they were soon after in- 
duced, under frivolous pretences, to offer violence to them 
a second time ; which rendring them odious to the people, 
gave an opportunity to Monk, by declaring for the Parlia- 
ment, to divide their councils, and to render them useless. 
And when the Parliament had in gratitude for their restitu- 
tion conferr'd many undeserved favours upon Monk, he 
also, who had been a creature of Cromwel and advanced by 
him, betray'd his trust, and contrary to many protestations, 
oaths and solemn asseverations, brought a great number 
of persons to vote in Parliament who had formerly been 
ejected by the House, which turn'd the ballance from the 
side of the Commonwealth, and under the influence of his 
forces brought in the son of the late King.' 

Tho' the brevity of this account would not admit of that 
clearness and perspicuity which I could have wish'd ; yet 
our generous friends were not only willing to pardon the 
imperfections, but gave me thanks for the information they 
said I had given them of our affairs, expressing themselves 
deeply sensible of the troubles that had fallen upon us and 
the honest interest by so base a treachery. 

After this conversation the Senators rising from their 
seats, we gave them thanks for the honours they had 
been pleased to do us, and according to our duty offered to 
accompany them to their respective habitations. But these 
truly noble persons would by no means permit us ; and 
being desirous that their favours to us should be yet more 
publick, they invited us to go to the church, that all men 
might see they were not ashamed to own what they had 
done. To this end Mr. Treasurer Steiger having ordered 
the mace to be carried before him, constrained me to take 
the right hand, Monsieur Humelius and Colonel Weiss 
doing the like to Mr. Love and Mr. Broughton, obliging us 
to enter the church before them, and placing us in the most 
honourable seats ; neither could we prevail with them to go 



358 Visits to the magistrates of Bern. 

1663 out before us from the place of public worship, or to permit 
us to accompany them to their houses. The next day we 
went to wait on the Advoyer who was then prepairing for 
his embassy to France, where he and another person were 
appointed to represent the Canton of Bern ; and having 
acquainted him with the deep impression their Excellencies 
and his favours had made upon us, he expressed himself 
highly sensible of our condition, and heartily desirous of 
our restitution, with assurances of his farther services on all 
occasions, and promising the like favour and protection to 
as many of our countrymen as should come to them. At 
our taking leave he accompanied us to the outward gate 
as in the first visit, and when we told him he had exceeded 
in the honours done to us, he condescended to say, that in 
his own account he had never received so much honour in 
his life. After this we paid our respects and thanks to 
Mr. Treasurer Steiger, to the ancient Bailif Monsieur 
Lentulus, to Colonel Weiss, and to our true friend Monsieur 
Humelius, with divers others of the Senate and Council. And 
being desirous to wait also on General D'Erlach x , who, we 
were informed, had much favour'd us in the business of our 
protection, we went to his house ; but he was gone out of 

1 Sigmund von Erlach( 1614-1 699), payed him. For he is thought the 

General of the forces of Bern in the wisest and worthiest man of the 

Peasants' War of 1653, and in the state, though it is somewhat strange 

war of Vilmerg in 1656. ' The chief how he should bear such a sway in 

man now in Bern, who was the such a government, for he neither 

reigning Advoyer when I was feasts, nor drinks with the rest, 

there, is Mr. d'Erlack, nephew to He is a man of great sobriety and 

that Mr. d'Erlack who was governor gravity, very reserved, and behaves 

of Brisack, and had a brevet to be himself liker a minister of state in 

a Mareschal of France ; this is one a monarchy than a magistrate in 

of the noblest families in Bern, that a popular government. For one 

acted a great part in shaking off the sees in him none of those arts that 

Austrian tyranny, and they have seem necessary in such a govern- 

been ever since very much dis- ment. He has a great estate and no 

tinguished there from all the rest children, so he has no projects 

of their nobility. The present head for his family ; and does what he can 

of it is a very extraordinary man, to correct the abuses of the state, 

he has great authority in his canton though the disease is inveterate, 

not only as he is Advoyer, but and seems past cure.' Burnet, 

by the particular esteem which is Letters, &c., p. 26. 



Riardds plot. 359 

town, and we had not the advantage to see him at that 1663 
time. 

Having been thus successful in our affairs at Bern, we 
returned to our residence at Vevay, where we had not been 
long, before we were informed, that an Irish man going 
under the name of Riardo 1 , and belonging, as he said, to 
the Dutchess of Orleans, was arrived at Turin, and had 
formed a design against our lives; and that Mr. Denzil 
Hollis, since the late revolution called Lord Hollis, and at 
that time ambassador in France, had been with one Mon- 
sieur Lullin, who was agent at Paris for the Republick of 
Geneva, to desire satisfaction for a book which he supposed 
to be printed in that place, in favour of those who had been 
condemn'd for putting the late King to death. But that 
which alarum'd us most, was a report, that letters had been 
sent from the King of England to their Excellencies of 
Bern, to demand our persons. Of this information having 
given an account to Mr. Humelius, and desired him to use 
his diligence in finding out the truth of these things ; we 
soon received in answer, that he had heard nothing of the 
two first ; and as to the last, he assured us that no letters 
of that sort from England were yet come to the hands of 
their Excellencies ; but if such a thing should happen, he 
would not fail to give us timely notice and advice, for our 
government on such an occasion. By a second, which we 
received from him soon after, he informed us, that General 
D'Erlach had acquainted him with the arrival of a courier 
from France, who had brought letters for their ambassador, 
together with particular orders to inform himself, whether 
their Excellencies of Bern might by any means be induced 
to deliver us up, or at least to withdraw their protection 
from us. But not finding the ambassador in the country 
(he having taken a journy to the Court of France, to be 

1 This emissary appears to have Riordane; Cal. S. P., Dom., 1663-4, 

been a Major Germaine Riordane who pp. 425, 6; 1664-5^.579. Two of 

had served in the Duke of York's regi- his reports of his mission, dated Dec. 

ment abroad. See his petitions and 1663 and Aug. 1664, are printed in 

those of his brother Denis or Derby the Appendix, pp. 482, 485. 



360 Ludlow warned to leave Vevay. 

1663 present at the reception of the Swiss ambassadors, who 
had been sent thither to ratify the treaty lately concluded 
with that King) he was returned to Paris, and had carried 
his letters back with him. And I am inclined to believe 
that our enemies upon information of the honourable 
reception we had found from their Excellencies, were 
intirely discouraged from attempting any thing in that 
way, and therefore turned their malice against us into 
designs of violence and assassination. 

Divers letters from Turin, Geneva, Lyons, and other 
places, which we and our friends at Vevay received, were 
full of advices from those parts, that so many and such 
desperate persons had engaged against us, that it would be 
next to impossible to escape their hands : and one of my 
best friends, who was then at Geneva, sent a messenger 
express to me with a letter to inform me, that he had 
received a billet from a person who knew our friendship, 
and desired not to be known, with these expressions at the 
end, ' If you wish the preservation of the English general at 
Vevay, let him know, that he must remove from thence 
with speed, if he have any regard to his own safety.' We 
also received certain information, that Riardo had been 
seen in the Pais de Vaux, and in several parts of Savoy. 
Being somewhat alarum'd with these things, our company 
met, in order to consult what was fit to be done on this 
occasion, and soon came to a resolution, that we would not 
remove into any country that was governed by a monarch, 
least we should be guilty of our own blood, by seeking 
protection from those who were concerned in interest to 
destroy us. It remained only to consider, whether we 
should quit the place of our present residence for any 
other under the same government ; or whether we should 
remove from the territories of Bern to some other republick. 
The first we were unwilling to do for many respects, and 
particularly on account of the good will and affection that 
the people had expressed to us : and to the second we 
could by no means consent, because the protection of their 
Excellencies had been so frankly, publickly and generously 



The fi rst attempt of the assassins. 361 

extended to us. So that having determined to remain at 1663 
Vevay, and being informed that a fair would be kept there 
in a few days, we contented our selves with changing our 
lodging for one night, and procuring the guard of the town 
to be doubled during the day of the fair, least our enemies 
should disguise themselves, and mixing with the concourse 
of people pass unsuspected, till they might find an oppor- 
tunity of surprising us. 

According to our information, some of the villains who 
were employ'd to destroy us, had on the fourteenth of 
November 1663, passed the lake from Savoy, in order to 
put their bloody design in execution the next day as we 
should be going to the church. They arrived at Vevay about 
an hour after sun-set, and having divided themselves, one 
part took up their quarters in one inn, and the other in 
another. The next day being Sunday, Monsieur Dubois Nov. 15. 
our landlord going early to the church, discovered a boat 
at the side of the lake with four watermen in her, their oars 
in order, and ready to put off. Not far from the boat 
stood two persons with cloaks thrown over their shoulders, 
two sitting under a tree, and two more in the same posture 
a little way from them. Monsieur Dubois concluding they 
had arms under their cloaks, and that these persons had 
way-laid us, with a design to murder us as we should be 
going to the sermon, pretending to have forgotten some- 
thing, returned home and advised us of what he had 
observed. In his way to us he had met one Mr. Binet, who 
acquainted him that two men whom he suspected of some 
bad intention, had posted themselves near his house, and 
that four more had been seen in the market-place; but 
that rinding themselves observed, they had all retired 
towards the lake. By this means the way leading to the 
church through the town being cleared, we went to the 
sermon without any molestation, and said nothing to any 
man of what we had heard, because we had not yet 
certainly found that they had a design against us. Return- 
ing from church I was informed, that the suspected persons 
were all dining at one of the inns, which excited my 



362 The first attempt frustrated. 

1663 curiosity to take a view of the boat. Accordingly I went 
with a small company, and found the four watermen by the 
boat, the oars laid in their places, a great quantity of straw 
in the bottom of the boat, and all things ready to put off. 
About an hour after dinner I met our landlord, and having 
inquired of him concerning the persons before-mentioned, 
he assured me they could be no other than a company of 
rogues ; that they had arms under the straw of the boat ; 
and that they had cut the withes that held the oars of the 
town-boats, to prevent any pursuit if they should be forced 
to fly. But these ruffians who had observed the actions of 
Monsieur Dubois, and suspected he would cause them to be 
seized, came down soon after I had viewed the boat, and in 
great haste caused the watermen to put off, and returned 
to Savoy 1 . This discovery being made, the Chatelain, the 
Banderet, together with all the magistrates and people of 
the town, were much troubled that we had not given 
them timely notice, that so they might have been seized. 
We afterwards understood that one Du Pose of Lyons, 
Monsieur du Pre a Savoyard, (of whom I shall have 
occasion to speak more largely) one Cerise of Lyons, with 
Riardo before-mention'd, were part of this crew, and that 
Riardo paid the whole expence they made at Vevay. 

The Bailiff, the Chatelain and the whole council, shewing 
themselves highly sensible of this affront offered to the 
government of their Excellencies, and of the injury done to 
us, the Banderet gave order that the boats of the town 
should be ready to attack them in case they should return 
to make any attempt against us. They not only offer'd us 
a guard for the safety of our house, but condescended to 
tell us, that they were ready to do that office themselves. 
The Bailiff directed the Chatelain to require all the inn- 
keepers every night to give an account upon oath, either to 
him or to Monsieur Dubois our landlord, of all persons that 
should come to lodge at their houses ; and the council of 
the town order'd, that no burgess should entertain any man, 

1 See in the Appendix, p. 484, an intercepted letter from one of the exiles 
describing this attempt. 



The conduct of the government of Bern. 363 

for whom they would not answer. Their Excellencies of 1663 
Bern also being informed of this attempt, sent their orders 
to the Bailiffs of Lausanna, Merges and Vevay, to take 
especial care of our persons, and to search all boats coming 
from Savoy, of which they should have any suspicion 1 . 

Monsieur du Pre finding himself disappointed in this 
enterprize, and fearing that for this affront to their Ex- 
cellencies of Bern, he might be deprived of the profits of 
some lands lying within their territories, of which he had 
lately taken possession after a long suit at law in the right 
of his wife, and which had been sequestred from him, 
because he had violently carried her out of their country 
before marriage, procured one of my good friends at 
Geneva to write to me on his behalf, and to inform me that 
he had no otherwise engaged in this affair than to do me 
service 2 . Our landlord also being unwilling to provoke 
him any farther, knowing the desperate resolution of the 
man, desired that if I should write to any of my friends at 
Bern concerning this attempt, I would only name Riardo, 
who was confessed to be the principal undertaker. But 
tho' I thought it not proper for us to be the accusers and 
prosecutors of those who were concerned in this design ; 
yet being not able to see any reason to do as was desired 
in his behalf, I resolved to leave the whole matter to the 
wisdom of their Excellencies ; who after they had received 
the report of those in our parts, to whom they had committed 
the examination of this affair, being assured that Monsieur 
du Pre was one of that number, seized again into their March 17. 
hands the estate he had enjoy'd in the right of his wife. l66 4 

Our enemies still giving out in all places where they 
durst, that they would not desist till they had effected their 
design, I received a letter from a good friend in which 
I found these words. ' You are hated and feared more 
than all the rest of your companions : your head is set at 

1 See Stern, Briefe Englischer archives relating to the career and 
Fluchtlinge, p. 24. crimes of Deprez, which confirm 

2 Louis Deprez of Thonon. Pro- the statements made by Ludlow 
fessor Stern collects in his pamphlet on pp. 363, 375, 381, 384. 

a number of extracts from the Swiss 



364 Ludlow refuses to leave Vevay. 

1664 a great price : 'tis against you they take all this pains to 
find assassins, and 'twas on your account they contrived the 
late attempt ; so that upon the whole matter I cannot but 
advise, that you would resolve to retire to some place 
where you may be unknown, there being, in my opinion, no 
other way left to secure you from the rage of your enemies.' 
But having strength 'ned our house, and made the best 
provision we could for our defence, being assured of the 
affections both of the magistrates and people of the 
town, and the government having given me power to ring 
the alarum-bell upon occasion, and to that end contrived it 
so that I could do it from my own chambers, our lodgings 
joining to one of the gates, I resolved not to remove; 
especially considering that those who had made the late 
attempt, being for the most part well known, had render'd 
themselves uncapable of returning again to Vevay : whereas if 
we should have removed to any other place, the same persons 
would have found greater facility to execute their design. 
As to that part of the advice, tending to persuade me 
to go to some place where I might not be known, I knew 
it was in vain to think of finding any such within the 
territories of their Excellencies, and out of them I resolved 
not to depart. 

In the mean time I was informed by letters from England, 
that Riardo having been at that court to give account of 
the ill success of the late attempt against us 1 ) was not only 
well received by the King, but dispatched with new orders 
to carry on the same design ; and that in his passage through 
France he had been with the Dutchess of Orleans, who was 
the principal instrument used by his gracious majesty for 
incouraging and carrying on this manly attempt. I was 
also assured from France that in a letter to that King, he 
had acquainted him, that not thinking himself safe so long 
as the principal traytors were alive, he desired his assistance 
to seize or destroy those that were on that side the sea, 
and particularly those in Switzerland. 

1 Riordane's first report, received Dec. 29, 1663, is given in the 
Appendix, p. 482. 



One of the conspirators arrested. 365 

In prosecution of the orders that had been sent from 1664 
their excellencies of Bern, the Bailiff of Merges having 
notice that one of the watermen who had brought the 
assassins from Savoy to Vevay was in that town, caused 
him to be seized, and sent prisoner to the castle of Chillion, 
which is the place of residence for the Bailiff of Vevay. On 
the first of January we were invited by the Bailiff to 
a publick entertainment in the castle, and by that means 
were present at his examination. For some time he 
confessed nothing material ; but being found to contradict 
himself in his answers, and therefore threatned with the 
strappada by the Bailiff and the Baron de Chatteler, he 
seeing the cord made ready, informed them, that one 
Monsieur de la Broette, and Monsieur du Fargis, both 
Savoyards, were among those who came in the boat with 
Du Pre, and that one of the four watermen was the person 
who cut the withes of all the town-boats to prevent them 
from pursuing; adding, that Du Pre told them at their 
return to Savoy, that if they had succeeded in their enter- 
prize they should have had mony enough ; but constantly 
denying, that he knew any thing of the design till it had 
miscarried. 

Yet neither the care of the government to provide by 
their justice for our future safety, nor the disappointment of 
the assassins in their late attempt, could remove the fears 
our friends had entertained of new designs against our 
persons, or persaade them to believe that we could be safe 
whilst we remained in the place where we were. Among 
others, Mr. Treasurer Steiger wrote a letter to the Bailiff of 
Vevay, in which he desired him to persuade us to remove our 
quarters either to Yverden, Lausanna, or some other place 
that was near the center of their Excellencies' territories, 
where they might be better able to defend us, than he 
doubted they could at present, by reason of the advantages 
that the situation of the lake afforded to our enemies, who, 
he said, might come by water from Savoy, or Versoy a place 
belonging to the French, to the foot of our garden-wall, 
without fear of surprize or discovery ; assuring him, that 



366 A warning sent to Ludlow. 

1664 having been the first adviser of our settlement at Vevay, if 
any ill should happen to us whilst we continued in that 
place, he should account himself the most unhappy man in 
the world. The Bailiff having communicated this letter to 
me, I answered, that our company was extreamly obliged 
to Mr. Treasurer Steiger for the care he expressed to be 
upon him for our safety ; but that our disease being intirely 
personal and not at all local, we should, in my opinion, be 
so far from mending upon the change of air, that I feared 
we should render our condition worse, by going to a place 
where we were not known, and putting our selves under the 
necessity of making new friends, which by the favour and 
goodness of the magistrates and people we had already 
acquir'd at Vevay ; that therefore we should willingly 
acquit Mr. Treasurer and all our friends from the blame of 
whatever might befal us, and take the consequences of our 
stay upon our selves. With these and other reasons the 
Bailiff, and by his means the rest of our friends were so 
well satisfied, that we heard no more from them on that 
account. 

About this time I received a letter from one Monsieur 
de la Fleschere, a near relation of that Monsieur du Pre 
who was one of the twelve that came to assassinate us 
at Vevay, in which he declared his detestation of that 
villany, and promised to inform me from time to time of 
what he should learn of their designs ; acquainting me of 
their intentions to attack us in our way to the church 
which was without the town, and therefore advising that 
I should go seldom thither, and never without company 
and well armed. He counselled us by all means to keep 
together, and not to separate as he was informed we 
intended to do, and that we should continue in the place 
where we were, because the lake was a great impediment 
to our enemies' designs, who, he said, assured themselves of 
success in their enterprize, if we should go to Yverden, 
Lausanna, or any other place, from whence they might 
make their escape on horseback. 

Divers other advertisements of designs against us coming 



John Lisle goes to Lausanna. 367 

to our hands about the same time, most of them naming 1664 
me to be the person, against whom the malice was principally 
directed, and insinuating, that the rest of our company 
were brought into hazard chiefly on my account, Mr. Lisle 
either really was, or pretended to be so alarum'd, that he 
withdrew himself from us and went to Lausanna, under 
colour, that expecting a visit from his lady in the month of 
May next ensuing, he was unwilling she should come to 
Vevay, least it should prove prejudicial to her after her 
return to England. Before he left us, he made his will, and 
took leave of the magistrates, and of all his friends in the 
town in a solemn manner. At our parting, I took liberty 
to desire him to take the best care he could of himself, and 
not to be too confident of his security, upon supposition 
that I was the only person mark'd out for destruction ; 
since he well knew, that at a consult held by our enemies 
at Chatillon, they had inquired after him as well as my self: 
I adjur'd him therefore to be upon his guard, lest pre- 
suming too much upon safety, he might betray himself into 
their hands. 

Soon after the departure of Mr. Lisle, I received advice 
by the means of Monsieur de la Fleschere, that Du Pose 
and Cerise of Lyons, with one St. Du, had been at Tunno, 
a place lying upon the lake, to confer with Du Pre, De la 
Broette and Du Fargis, about resuming their former design, 
and that they had passed most part of the night in the 
wood of Courent, where it had been at last resolved, that 
they would come no more to Vevay by the way of the lake ; 
but that the next attempt should be made by a smaller 
number of persons on foot, with horses kept ready to receive 
them, and to carry them off either by the way of Chillion, 
St. Dennis, or Lausanna ; of all which I gave notice to 
Mr. Lisle, who with others of our friends and countrymen 
was then at Lausanna. 

About eight days after, one Monsieur du Moulin of Vevay, 
going towards Lausanna, discovered in a lane not far from 
the lake on the way of Safron, three persons well mounted 
and armed, with one on foot, and thinking them to have no 



368 New attempt of the assassins. 

1664 good design, he sent a servant to observe them, who upon 
his return confirming him in his suspicion, Monsieur du 
Moulin dismounted, and taking up the foot of his horse to 
induce them to believe he only wanted a shoe, he returned 
immediately to Vevay. But they suspecting themselves to 
be discovered, and that he was returned to give us notice, 
as indeed he was, made so much haste away, that before 
the people of the town could reach the place where they 
had been seen, they were arrived at Safron ; and having 
a boat, which had brought them in the morning from Savoy, 
lying ready to receive them, they by that means made their 
escape. They had sent two persons on foot into the town 
to assassinate me by stabbing or shooting, and these horse- 
men were to have carried them off, as we afterwards under- 
stood : but that the town being raised by the information 
of Monsieur du Moulin, they also had thought convenient 
to shift for themselves. 

On the 2 ist of July 1664, we were informed, that some 
Savoyards had landed in the harbour of Ouches belonging 
to Lausanna, and had let fall some words of a design 
against the English there. Upon which some of their 
friends having notice, went to the Burgomaster in order to 
procure his warrant to seize and bring them to be examined 
before him. But the Burgomaster refusing to do any thing 
in the matter without the advice of the Bailiff, they went to 
the castle ; where, finding the bridge drawn up, they thought 
not fit to trouble him that night. The next morning they 
went again to the castle, and having acquainted the Bailiff 
with what they had heard, he presently granted his warrant, 
and order'd the Fiscal to summon the Savoyards before him. 
But they having notice of what was doing, got into their 
boat and were put off, before the warrant could be served 
upon them. Yet it was supposed, that if the town-boats 
had been order'd to pursue them, they might easily have 
seized and brought them in ; for they were within musket- 
shot of the shore when the officer came to the port with the 
warrant, the lake very rough, and the wind directly in their 
teeth. However I must not omit, that these villains had 



Spies at Vevay and Lausanna. 369 

been seen to stand by the door of the church, where 1664 
Mr. Lisle used to go, all the time the people were going in 
to the sermon ; but neither he nor any of our countrymen 
coming to the church that morning, they departed in a rage, 
one of them saying, { Le B. . .gre ne viendra pas'; which 
words tho' they were not observed at the time, yet were 
afterwards too well understood 1 . 

Mr. Lisle having received advice from the Lieutenant 
Balival that a certain Frenchman, who used to engrave upon 
seals and dishes at Vevay, Lausanna, and other places, had 
informed these Savoyards of the way they should take for 
the execution of their wicked design, procured an officer of 
justice to demand him at his lodging in Lausanna ; where 
being informed that he was gone to Vevay, a message was 
dispatch'd to me, that I might cause him to be seized. 
Accordingly the Bailiff, at my request, granted a warrant 
for taking him in custody. But he having heard how things 
had pass'd at Lausanna, and supposing the alarum to be 
over, was returned thither. Of which the government of 
that town having advice, they caused him to be seized and 
carried before the Burgomaster, who after a slight examina- 
tion, contented himself with banishing him from their 
jurisdiction. And now Mr. Lisle began to think that he 
had not much better provided for his security by abandoning 
Vevay. 

On the Wednesday of the same week, two men in the 
habit of grooms mounted upon good horses came to lodge 
at an inn in Vevay; of which our landlord having received 
notice, (according to an order of the Bailiff and Chatelain 
formerly signified to all inn-keepers) he went to the house 
where they were, and upon examination was assured by 
them, that they belonged to a German count who was then 
at the baths in the Pais des Vallees ; that they were by 
his order come to this place to wait his return, and that 
they had already sent a messenger to acquaint him with 
their arrival. Being not able to draw any more from them, 
he came home, and having acquainted me with what had 

1 See Riordane's letter of Aug. 8, 1664. Appendix, p. 485. 
VOL. II. B b 



370 Progress of the plot against Lisle. 

1664 pass'd, earnestly desired that I would be upon my guard. 
In the mean time these pretended grooms continued at 
Vevay till the Thursday in the following week, when one 
coming from the baths before-mentioned, assured, that no 
such person, as these fellows described, had been there ; 
which added to a threatning message sent by our landlord 
to the innkeeper for entertaining such rogues, they hastned 
away and went to Lausanna. 

On Thursday the nth of August, 1664, one Monsieur 
Longeon of Lausanna, brought me the sad news, that 
Mr. Lisle going that morning to hear the sermon in the 
church that stood near the town-gate, was shot dead by 
a person on foot, who had a companion waiting for him on 
horseback with a led horse in his hand, which the murderer 
having mounted and cried Vive le Roy, they immediately 
rode away together towards Morges. Soon after this 
barbarous murder was committed, we understood from 
Lausanna by the description of the persons, their clothes 
and horses, that they were the same that had lodged at 
Vevay. They had continued for a week in Lausanna 
before they found an opportunity to put in execution their 
detestable plot, and had carried themselves with such 
indiscretion, that divers persons suspected them to have 
a design against the English ; of which Mr. Lisle being 
informed, he sent his landlord twice to try what he could 
draw from them. But they had so well contrived their 
story, that he could find no colour to remove them. Many 
persons upon suspicion of these fellows had desired Mr. Lisle 
to be upon his guard, and to forbear going to the church 
he used ; because it lay so near the town-gate, that if any 
persons should make an attempt against him, they might 
with little difficulty escape by that way. Our countrymen 
also who were with him performed the same office ; but he 
would by no means hearken to their advice, saying he was 
in the hands of God, and had committed himself intirely to 
his protection ; adding to this answer, that my life was his 
defence, and that 'till our enemies had dispatched me, he 
assured himself they would not think of him. The villain 



The manner of his assassination. 371 

that murdered him had waited his coming at a barber's 1664 
shop, where he pretended to want something for his teeth, 
till seeing Mr. Lisle at distance he stept out of the shop, 
and as he came by, saluted him. Then following him into 
the church-yard, he drew a carabine from under his cloak, 
and shot him into the back. With the recoil of the piece 
the villain's hat was beaten off, and he himself falling over 
a piece of timber, dropp'd his gun, which he left behind 
him, and as soon as he had recovered himself, running to 
his companion who held the led horse, he mounted and 
made his escape. Thus died John Lisle, Esq. ; son to Sir 
William Lisle of the Isle of Wight, a member of the Great 
Parliament, one of the Council of State, Commissioner of 
the Great Seal, and one of the assistants to the Lord 
President in the High Court of Justice that was erected 
for the trial of the late King 1 . The government of 
Lausanna was so remiss in the pursuit of the assassins, 
that it was suspected they had some friends among them. 
And of this the villains themselves seemed to give proof ; 
for before they had advanced half a league on their way, 
calling to some men who were working in the vineyards, 
they bid them give their service to the governors of 
Lausanna, and tell them they would drink their healths. 
But the common people openly cried out against the 
Burgomaster, and accused him of having favoured the 
assassins. And that I may do justice to the Bailiff of 
Lausanna, who had been absent for some time from 
the town upon publick business, I must not omit, 
that, when he heard of the assassination of Mr. Lisle, 
he said, that if he had been at Lausanna, those villains 



1 Le jeudy xi Aoust 1664 en conseils de Lausanne). No trace, 

conseil : ' Ordonne, que le corps de however, of Lisle's grave is to be 

Mr. Fild Anglais qui a et6 tue ce found at Lausanne. Stern, Briefe 

matin en allant au presche a St. Englischer Fluchtlinge, viii. 26. The 

Fran9ois par un coup de carabine joy of the English government at 

qui luy a etc Iach6 par un cavalier Lisle's fate is shown by the account 

elranger, sera enseveli au temple of his death published in the official 

de St. Francois en consideration de newspaper. See Appendix, p. 487. 
ses qualites.' (Ordonnances des 

B b 2 



372 The alarm of the exiles. 

1664 should not have continued so long there without inter- 
ruption *. 

Upon this we received a great number of letters from 
our friends in several parts, to inform us of the rage of 
our enemies, and of their resolution to leave no means of 
destroying us unattempted, some of them having affirmed, 
that if they could not accomplish their design either by 
stabbing, poisoning or shooting, they were resolved to 
attempt us even in our lodgings. These advices, together 
with the death of Mr. Lisle, so alarum'd my companions at 
Vevay, that I found it difficult to bring them to any certain 
resolution, every one making a different proposition touch- 
ing the way we should take to provide for our safety; tho' 
for my own part I thought nothing so rational, as to fortify 
our interest in that place, where the magistrates and people 
had been always more ready to oblige and serve us, than 
we could be to ask any favour from them. To this end, 
with the concurrence of my country-men, which I at last 
obtained, I went to Monsieur Geoffray, who was then 
Chatelain and Deputy-bailiff of Vevay, acquainting him with 
the letters we had lately received, and he readily offering to 
do whatever should be in his power for our service, I pro- 
posed, that, considering the design of our enemies was either 
to surprize us, as they had done in relation to Mr. Lisle ; 
or, (all other means failing) to attempt us by open violence ; 
for prevention of both, orders might be issued out to the 

1 The Council at Bern showed no doubtless the ' burgomaster ' men- 
lack of sympathy or activity. On tioned by Ludlow. Polier, the 
Aug. 18 they ordered the Bailiff of Bailiff, was thanked by the Council 
Lausanne to find out all the circum- at the same time. See Stern, Eng- 
stances of the murder and send them lischer Fluchtlinge, p. 27; Anzeiger 
an exact report at once ; and in order fur Schweizerische Geschichte, 1874, 
to show the other Englishmen the p. 85 ; Life of Thomas Hollis, p. 629. 
sympathy of the Council bade him Particular instructions were also 
to condole with them in its name, sent to the Bailiff of Chillon, as to 
and warn them to be on their guard. the disposal of a sealed box left by 
On Aug. 22 the Bailiff's lieutenant, Lisle. It was by Lisle's wish to be 
Seigneulx, who had shown in- handed over to his wife, but the 
sufficient zeal and industry in en- greatest care was ordered to be 
deavouring to arrest the murderer, taken lest it should fall into wrong 
was ordered a reprimand. He was hands. 



The precautions of the magistrates of Vevay, 373 

town of Vevay, and to the other towns and villages of that 1664 
jurisdiction, to seize and examine such persons as they 
should find cause to suspect ; and that upon the sound of 
the great bell at Vevay, upon the firing of a great gun, or 
the view of a fire upon any of the towers of the said place, 
they should take arms, secure the passes, and seize all 
unknown persons in order to carry them before the Bailiff ; 
and that if these signals should happen to be given in the 
night, they should be appointed to repair with their arms 
to our lodgings at Vevay, to receive such orders as should 
be necessary. The Chatelain approved the proposition, and 
desir'd, that such an order might be prepared, promising he 
would send it to the Bailiff to be signed ; which being drawn 
up and sent to the castle of Chillion, the Bailiff most readily 
signed four orders of the same tenour, and directed them to 
Vevay, Moutre, the Tower and Bloney, with injunction that 
they should be published two several times in the market- 
places, and before the churches of the said places, that none 
might pretend cause of ignorance. This worthy person, as 
he had done us great honour upon all occasions, so at this 
time finding us to be extraordinarily persecuted, he resolved 
to shew us more than ordinary marks of his favour ; and 
therefore when he came to town, accompanied by the Baron 
de Chatteler and Monsieur 1'Hospitalier of Villa Nova, he 
was pleased to make us a visit, and to honour us with his 
company at dinner, expressing his abhorrence of the base- 
ness and treachery of our enemies, and assuring us of his 
friendship and services to the utmost of his power. 

But Mr. Say, notwithstanding these assurances and the 
care he saw taken by our friends for our preservation, would 
by no means be persuaded to think himself safe whilst he 
continued in these quarters, where we were all so publickly 
known, and therefore resolved to retire to some place 
where he might be incognito 1 , and to that end, accompanied 

1 William Say and John Lisle the trial) Say was appointed to take 

sat on each side of Bradshaw at the his place (Nalson, Trial of Charles I, 

King's trial, as assistants to the pp. 9, 25). The time and place of 

President When Bradshaw was Say's death are not known, 
absent (during the preliminaries of 



374 Two of the exiles go to Germany. 

1664 by Colonel Bisco, prepared to depart for Germany, earnestly 
pressing me to the same resolution, and professing himself to 
be as much concerned for my safety as for his own. I gave 
him my thanks for his friendship ; but acquainted him that 
I thought it much better to be in a condition of making 
opposition against my enemies, than to live in the perpetual 
fear of being discovered ; with which being satisfied, he 
took leave, after he had assured me that if we should 
continue at Vevay till the next spring he would make us 
a visit. 

The Court of England being informed of the assassination 
of Mr. Lisle, that King procured one Dr. Colladon, a native 
of Geneva then residing at London 1 , to write to one of his 
relations in these parts for a particular information of that 
action, and to inquire of the same person if I continued still 
at Vevay, or had removed to Zurich, as was reported ; 
which particulars being too well known to him, to need 
any such information, it may be justly conjectured, that this 
message was sent to no other end, than to feel the pulse of 
the gentleman, that by his answer he might know, whether 
he were a fit person to be employ'd in his honourable 
designs. Upon the reception of this letter, the person to 
whom it was directed, being a man of probity and honour, 
not only gave advice to our friends of the contents, but 
protested that if he had a thousand lives, he would lose 
them all, before he would do us the least injury, utterly 
refusing to give any information touching the things that 
were demanded. Monsieur de la Fleschere also was pleased 
to continue his care of our safety, advising us, that his kins- 
man Monsieur du Pre, accompanied by Du Broetti, and Du 
Fargis, had lately given a meeting at Yvian to one of the 

1 On Aug. 19, 1663, Dr. John medicine of Cambridge, Nov. 23, 

Colladon and two Frenchmen were 1635, and was elected an honorary 

granted a pass to France ; in member of the College of Physicians 

a subsequent entry they are de- Dec. 1664. He was naturalised by 

scribed as the Queen's servants. Cal. Charles II, and was one of the 

S. P., Dom., 1663-4, PP- 244, 263. physicians to the Queen. Roll of 

According to Munk, Sir John the Royal College of Physicians, 

Colladon, M. D., was a doctor of i. 321. 



Du Pre murders his brother-in-law. 375 

duke of Savoy's guard who used to come into our parts ; 1664 
and that a certain Frenchman living at the same place, was 
also suspected to be of their gang. He added, that tho' 
he had received a thousand assurances from Du Pre that he 
would never make any farther attempt against us, yet he 
would not believe him, much less would desire us to rely 
upon his word, but rather that we should be constantly 
upon our guard, especially in consideration of what had 
lately happened to our countryman at Lausanna. 

This was the last message we received from Monsieur 
de la Fleschere, who without any obligation laid upon him 
on our part, from the motives of humanity and true good- 
ness, had been so generously serviceable to persons he 
never saw. For many days had not pass'd, before we were 
informed, that a difference arising between this gentleman 
and Du Pre, whose sister he had married, a certain 
gentlewoman of Tunno, with whom Du Pre was too 
familiarly acquainted, undertook to make up the dispute ; 
to which Monsieur de la Fleschere consenting, and coming 
to her house for that purpose, was there shot into the body 
by Du Pre, and afterwards dispatch'd with a stilletto. But 
this not being done without noise, divers persons came 
about the door to enquire what was doing ; to whom the 
gentlewoman answering, that there had been no other 
disturbance in the house, than what had been made by 
some children, they presently departed. Night being come, 
Du Pre went out ; and after a short stay, brought two 
country-men with him, and compelled them to take up the 
body, and to lay it at the door of an infamous house in the 
same town, threatning to kill them if they disputed his 
commands, or should afterwards reveal the secret. And 
that it might be believed that his brother-in-law had been 
so used for endeavouring to effect some bad design, Du 
Pre went after them to the place where they laid the body, 
and firing a pistol, left that and a sword upon the ground 
by him : this hypocrite seemed to be much concerned for 
his death, and in deep mourning accompanied him to the 
grave ; protesting to his sister, that he would willingly 



376 The condition of England. 

1664 expend a great sum of mony to find out the murderer. 
Yet this mask was soon taken off ; for the Parliament of 
Chambery in Savoy, having been informed of this murder, 
and deputed some of their number to make inquiry 
into the matter, they, by the depositions they received, 
suspecting Du Pre to have been the author, sent to seize 
him ; but he having notice of their intentions, had made 
his escape before the officers could reach the house where 
he was. 

In England, the Presbyterians had been long before 
ejected from all the benefices they possess'd, and rewarded 
in the current mony of those, for whose sake they had 
betray'd their friends : the prisons had been frequently 
fill'd with all sorts of men dissenting from the church 
establish'd by the Act of Uniformity: the people had been 
exhausted by frequent and excessive taxes to supply the 
luxury of the Court : great numbers of the officers of the 
old army had under false or frivolous pretences been 
imprison'd or executed : many of the Irish rebels had been 
restored to the lands that had been settled upon the 
English for the reward of their services and blood : plots 
had been contrived to furnish the court with a pretence to 
transport those they feared, to remote and barbarous 
confinements ; and the design of subverting the rights and 
liberties of the nation, was become manifest 1 . 

March 2. In this posture of affairs, the Court of England thought 
l66 5 fit to declare war against the States-General of the United 
Provinces ; by means of which, some of our friends con- 
ceiving great hopes of the restitution of the Common- 

1 Even Clarendon admits that many a trade, which many affected to get 

persons were imprisoned on very money by.' Continuation, 429. 

insufficient evidence. ' There can be In one of his letters Ludlow refers to 

no doubt, but that there were many Rathbone's plot, as it was termed, in 

seditious purposes among those which he was accused of a share, 

people . . . yet there was often cause He probably had this in his mind 

to believe that many men were when he wrote this passage of the 

committed, who in truth had not Memoirs. On the plot itself see 

been more faulty than in keeping Oldmixon, House of Stuart, p. 528. 

ill company and in hearing idle Rathbone was tried in April, 1666. 

discourses. Informing was grown See Appendix, p. 489. 



The war between England and Holland. 377 

wealth, enter'd into a treaty with divers principal ministers 1665 
of that country, for procuring some forces to join with our 
oppressed party in England, against the common enemy 1 . 
Having received information of this treaty, and being 
pressed by a person of honour and integrity to declare my 
concurrence in the thing, I acquainted him, that tho' 
I should be ready to embrace any good occasion of serving 
the Commonwealth, and relieving my country from 
oppression ; and that I had no great reason to be a friend 
to the present establishment, yet the treachery of the 
Dutch, in delivering our three friends into the hands of 
their enemies, made me fear the same treatment from 
them in case of an accommodation with England. For if 
they had purchased their former agreement with the price 
of that blood, I could see no reason to persuade me that 
they would not purchase another with ours : I told him, 
that all men knew they preferred the profits of trade before 
any other thing in the world; and how dangerous it might 
prove to engage with such a sort of men, I left to his 
judgment to determine; that being convinced in conscience, 
that they had contracted the guilt of the blood of our 
friends upon themselves, my duty would not permit me 
to act in conjunction with them, till they should make 
satisfaction for that injustice : however, I offer'd that if 
they might be brought to disown that action, as done by 
the influence of a particular faction, and promise, at a more 
convenient time, to punish the immediate authors, I would 
freely hazard my life in the expedition. 

In the mean time I received a letter from Mr. Say, who 

1 ' Algernon Sidney and some sharpened against the King, and 

others of the Commonwealth party were for turning England into a 

came to De Wit, and pressed him to Commonwealth. The matter was 

think of an invasion of England and for some time in agitation at the 

Scotland, and gave him great assur- Hague. But De Wit was against it 

ances of a strong party : and they and got it to be laid aside.' Burnet, 

were bringing many officers to Own Time, i. 414, ed. 1833. Compare 

Holland to join in the undertaking. also the quotation from d'Estrade's 

They dealt also with some in ' Negotiations ' given in the note to 

Amsterdam, who were particularly Burnet. 



378 A summons to Ludlow. 

1665 was then at Amsterdam; in which, among other things, 
I found these expressions ; 

' Believe me, Sir, things are so well prepared here to 
answer the good ends we all desire, that nothing seems to 
be wanting but hands to set the wheels going. Invitations 
and incouragements are not only offered, but pressed upon 
you ; and there is no ground to fear their retreat, of which 
you seem to doubt. The ruin of the present government 
in England is certainly intended, and I have cause to 
believe will be effected ; the States being unanimously for 
this war, and at last brought to see that their Common- 
wealth cannot long subsist, if monarchy continue in 
England. Of this they will soon give the clearest evidence, 
as well as of their resolution to assist the Commonwealth 
interest as far as shall be desired ; in which they seem to 
be no less zealous, than how to defend themselves. As to 
the usage our three friends met with in this country, I have 
examined the particulars, and find the thing to have passed 
in a different manner than has been represented : they are 
able here to give you or any person satisfaction, that the 
matter does not lie so foul upon them, as is generally 
conceived ; and would, if it might be any way conducing 
to the advantage of our affairs, set that business in its true 
light. But this is not thought advisable at present by 
many of our friends, who think such a course may too 
much alarum the Court of England, and put them upon 
measures of procuring peace at any rate. The King of 
England is never mentioned without the utmost contempt, 
and writings every day published to expose his person and 
government. You may propose what you please for your 
safety, and I dare answer it shall be granted : only I must 
take leave to tell you that the most private manner of 
treating is best approved by our friends. The offers they 
make here are very great, and yet no promises exacted 
from us for their security. Therefore I beg of you to 
think of seeing this place, and quitting the quarters where 
you are, that you may be instrumental in the service of 
your country at this time. I am certainly informed, that 



The plans of the Dutch government. 379 

considerable numbers in England, Scotland, and Ireland, 1665 
sensible of their present servitude, will appear for us ; and 
such measures will be taken here for their assistance, that 
I have great hopes of success. Nothing seems now so 
much wanting as fixed councils both here and in England, 
and no one can be more serviceable than your self in this 
important matter : I beseech you therefore let us have your 
help, for we cannot be without it, and I am perswaded the 
work will prosper in our hands. Make all the expedition 
you can in your journey; for tho' this be not the con- 
juncture of action, yet I am perswaded 'tis high time to be 
preparing, and 'twill be to our shame if we neglect it V 

About eight days after this, I received another from the 
same person ; in which, having desired me to give credit to 
the contents of his last, he added, that the Heer Nieuport 
had at a conference assured him, that the intentions of the 
Government of Holland were to relieve the good people in 
England ; and that he should be glad of any overtures to 
that purpose from me or any other persons ; that there was 
more in the design of this war than was commonly under- 
stood, and that the destruction of the whole Protestant 
party was intended : that some of the most eminent of 
that religion in France, had sent messengers into Hol- 
land to give information of this matter; advising, that 
the States would make the best preparations they could 
for their defence, and assuring, that if they should be 
borne down in this war, the Reformed religion would soon 
be extinguished in France : that the Dutch had thirty 
thousand men ready to put on board their fleet, of which 
number ten thousand were land soldiers, and to be disposed 

1 A correspondent writes to Secre- to the promoting of any troublesome 

tary Bennett on Aug. 20, 1664, that design against the Government, 

'the news of Lisle's death had greatly provided all matters be carried on 

discontented the faction, and enraged by the joint counsels of a select 

some who were disposed to be party in England and Scotland, who 

troublesome; their counsels are now shall correspond with those in 

totally changed, and the thought of Holland. Sidney and Ludlow are 

any sudden attempt is laid aside, on to be the chief.' Cal. S. P., Dom., 

thegroundofamessagefromHolland, 1663-4, p. 671. 
that the Dutch will contribute largely 



380 The offers of the Dutch to Ludlow. 

1665 as we should advise and direct : that a great sum of mony 
was prepared for this service, and that the whole fleet 
should be commanded to favour our enterprize : that if 
it should be thought necessary to transport horse into 
England, the States would willingly comply in that also, 
having resolved to endeavour a perfect friendship with the 
good people of England, which, he said, he hoped should 
never be broken. At the bottom of the letter were these 
words, ' I beg of you to lay aside all former prejudices, and 
as you love the cause in which you have ingaged, come 
speedily, and set your heart and hand to this work. I can 
certainly assure you, that the most considerable minister 
of this state, has lately very much inquired for you, and 
having received some account of you, has given us reason to 
hope, that if you will come to them in this conjuncture, 
they will place you at the head of such a number of men, as 
should by the blessing of God, and the concurrence of our 
friends in England, be sufficient to restore the Common- 
wealth. I dare assure you from the best information I can 
get, that on such an occasion there would be a greater 
appearance for us, than at the beginning of the late war. 
Let me therefore not hear from you, but see you V 

Tho' these offers were very advantagious especially to 
one in my condition, and the honour I received more than 
I could expect, yet these things, I thank God, were no 
temptation to me. The cause of my country which is 
dearer to me than my life, was that alone which made me 
earnestly wish, that I could have perswaded myself to lay 
hold of this opportunity, and to join with my friends in 

1 In Jan., 1665, Ludlow was re- London or elsewhere, were also 

ported to be moving from Switzerland frequent (Cal. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, 

to Holland, where he was enlisting pp. 45, 149, 169, 235, 427, 567). 

the discontented English. A hundred The designs of the English exiles in 

and sixty English officers and fugi- Holland were revealed to the English 

tives were said to be in Holland. Government by a number of spies. 

Their meeting-place was Leyden ; Aphra Behn's letters and many other 

their leaders, Ludlow, Desborough, informations are contained in the 

and Col. Phayre. Rumours that Calendar of Domestic State Papers 

Ludlow was in England, hidden in for 1665-6. 



He persists in refusing them. 381 

this enterprize for our common deliverance. But the 1665 
reasons before mentioned sate so close upon me; that I was 
constrained, not without great regret, to acquaint my 
friends with my intentions to persist in my former 
resolution, not to enter into a conjunction of counsels 
and interests with the Dutch, till they had given satisfac- 
tion touching the business of the three gentlemen they had 
so inhumanly delivered into the hands of our enemies, 
together with some reasonable assurances that they would 
not abandon the concernments of such as should join with 
them. 

In the mean time, a person of honour and quality of the 
English nation whom I had never seen, being then at Paris, 
took care to let me know by a third hand, that the King of 
England suspecting I would join with the Dutch against 
him, had caused the assassins to double their diligence, and 
that the person who had murder'd Mr. Lisle was come to 
Paris, accompanied with others of the same trade, and had 
undertaken either to carry me off alive, or to dispatch me 
upon the place. St. Du, another of this tribe, endeavoured 
also to engage one Monsieur Torneri, a gentleman of Savoy, 
and my friend, in the design against me, promising him 
a great recompence if it proved successful. He dated his 
letter from Paris, and desired the answer to be directed to 
one at Lyons. But Monsieur Torneri suspecting him to 
be nearer to us than he would have it believed, and being 
desirous to penetrate farther into their secrets, told him in 
his answer that mony was not to be refused ; but that 
I kept my self so much upon my guard, that nothing could 
be attempted without previous consultation. This gentle- 
man did me the favour to give me a sight of the letter and 
answer, with assurances of his service, and a promise to 
send me St. Du's reply as soon as it should come to his 
hands. He informed me also that Du Pre had been 
degraded, and broken on the wheel in effigie, for the murder 
of Monsieur de la Fleschere ; that his estate in Savoy had 
been confiscated, and that he was fled for protection to the 
town of Friburg, and that he was countenanced by the 



382 More assassination-plots. 

1665 magistrates of that place. These things made me resolve 
upon withdrawing from my lodgings at Vevay, and lying 
privately for some time, that my enemies might be amused, 
and uncertain how to lay their designs ; which having done, 
it produced the effect I desired. For no sooner had I with- 
drawn my self from the publick view, but it was generally 
concluded that I was gone for Holland, which I conjecture 
might put a stop to the designs against me for that time, 
and rendred my countrymen at Vevay more safe and undis- 
turb'd than they had formerly been. 

During this retirement, I received letters from my friends 
in England, with advice that four persons had been 
dispatch'd by the King for our parts with the accustomed 
instructions ; but hearing no more concerning them, I con- 
cluded they were either the villains of whom I was already 
informed from Paris, or part of those who had been sent to 
Ausburg, with orders from the same hands to assassinate 
Colonel Algernon Sidney ; and probably being ten in 
number might have effected their design, if having under- 
taken a journey to Holland upon business relating to the 
publick, he had not removed from that place before their 
arrival. After I had continued about six weeks privately 
with my friends at Lausanna, I returned to my quarters at 
Vevay, and had not been there above eight or ten days, 
before a Frenchman, well furnished with mony, and arms, 
came to one Monsieur du Fort, a merchant of Vevay, with 
a letter unsealed from a trader of Geneva, who was little 
known to him, which contained an account, that the person 
who should bring him that letter, having been prosecuted 
in France, for getting a wench with child, had desired to be 
known to some persons in this place, which he had chosen 
for his retreat. Tho' such a recommendation had been 
sufficient to have caused him to be whipp'd out of the town ; 
yet other things contributed chiefly to his removal. For 
it had been observed that he had acknowledged he came 
lately from England, and seemed to be well informed of the 
affairs of that Court ; that he was no less instructed of all 
the circumstances of the assassination of Mr. Lisle ; that he 



A spy expelled from Vevay. 383 

intruded into all companies, and had endeavoured to lodge 1665 
in several houses that stood most convenient to discover our 
usual walks ; that he had expressed his discontent, that no 
one would entertain him without the permission of the 
Council, and had offered to pay double at certain places for 
a lodging. To this was added, that on a market-day, 
having dressed himself in the habit of a buffoon, with 
a basket on his back, and wooden shoes on his feet, he 
bought many things that were to be sold at much more 
than the value, and gave them to the meanest of the people, 
drawing by that means many idle persons after him. Upon 
consideration of these things, the Chatelain, by order of the 
Bailiff, went attended with his officers to the inn where he 
lodged, and upon examination, finding him unwilling to tell 
his name, or business in this place, he acquainted him, that 
by reason of divers attempts that had been made against 
the English gentlemen, who had been taken by their 
Excellencies into protection, it had been resolved that no 
stranger should remain at Vevay, without giving a good 
account of himself ; which he having not done, had incurred 
the consequence, and therefore must resolve to depart within 
the space of twenty four hours. He was much disturbed 
whilst the Chatelain was present ; but having recovered his 
spirits by drinking brandy after his departure, he hired 
a boat for Villa Nova, pretending to go directly for Milan, 
but we were informed afterwards, that from Villa Nova, he 
turned short to Savoy, and by the way of Lyons went 
to Paris. 

Some publick business requiring the presence of Mr. 
Treasurer Steiger at Vevay, he came accompanied by 
Monsieur Lentulus, late Bailiff of Lausanna, Commissary 
General Godart, and another person of the Senat of Bern ; 
and having dispatch'd his affairs, did us the honour to make 
us a visit, in which having expressed great kindness and 
friendship, he informed us, that Du Pre had procured 
the magistrates of Friburg to give instructions to Colonel 
Pharamond, and their other deputies then at Bern, to 
sollicit their lordships for the restitution of his lands ; but 



384 The arrest of Monsieur du Pre. 

1665 that the Council was so far from doing as he desired, that 
June 12. they forthwith caused the Advoyer to issue out an order 
to seize his person if he should come within the territories 
July 3- of their jurisdiction, and to send new instructions to the 
Bailiff of Merges, for receiving his rents, and employing 
them in publick uses 1 ; directing the said Treasurer Steiger 
to give the deputies an account of their proceedings ; which 
when he had done, and acquainted them with the attempt 
Du Pre had made to assassinate us, together with the 
murder he had committed upon the person of his brother- 
in-law, and many other villanies of which he had been 
guilty, the colonel said, that he had not heard any thing of 
these matters before ; and desiring to be excused, promised 
never to open his mouth more in his behalf. The next day 
we returned the visit we had received from the Treasurer 
and his company, and were most affectionately received, 
all of them expressing themselves with the utmost friend- 
ship, and assuring us of the care and favour of the 
government. 

Of this we had in a short time the most evident demon- 
stration ; for their Excellencies of Bern having received 
information that Du Pre designed to take a journy to 
a place in Burgundy, called Joigny, they sent out two 
parties to lie upon the way ; one of which meeting with 
him, and commanding him in their lordships name to 
surrender himself, he at first made some resistance : but 
finding that way too hazardous, he clapp'd spurrs to his 
horse, and when he was at some distance from the guard, 
endeavouring to leap a deep and broad ditch, he fell with 
his horse into the middle of it. Some people who were 
carrying in the harvest, seeing him in distress, and not 
knowing that he was pursued by publick authority, hastned 
to his relief. But he being conscious of his own crimes, 
and therefore suspecting all men to be his enemies, fired 
one of his pistols upon them, which provoked the 
countrymen to entertain him with stones, till the officers 
came up, and seized him. They found a case of pistols at 

1 Cf. Stern, Briefe Englischer FlQchtlinge, p. 27. 



The trial of Du Pre. 385 

his saddle, another pair at his girdle, and a carabine 1665 
hanging by his side. In his pocket was a letter directed to 
him without any name subscribed, containing in substance, 
that he should inform himself where the great whale or 
the little old fish might be found ; and give notice if any 
publick honours had been done to the memory of the English 
gentleman who was kill'd at Lausanna. The rest of his 
papers and letters he had torn in pieces before he could be 
taken ; but upon putting them together in the best manner 
that was possible, it appeared, that most of them had 
relation to the same subject, and were full of malicious 
expressions against the government of Bern. He was 
carried to the house of one Monsieur de la Berchere, 
a gentleman living near the place where he was seized, and 
being kept there all night, he was the next day brought 
prisoner to Yverden, and committed to the castle. 

Their Excellencies having received information of the July 12. 
seizing and imprisonment of Du Pre, dispatch'd orders to 
their officers at Vevay, to examin all persons upon oath 
who might know any thing concerning the attempt made 
against us, in which he had been a principal actor ; and to 
transmit to them the examination and confession of the 
waterman which had been taken by the Bailiff at the castle 
of Chillion. Whilst the evidence was preparing against 
him, great interest was made to their lordships of Bern for 
their favour to the prisoner. But meeting with cold recep- 
tion from them, they applied themselves to those of Yverden, 
who were to give the first judgment in the case. His 
mother being admitted to speak with him in presence of 
the guard, told him, that certain fathers Capuchins would 
remember him in their prayers. But he had another game 
to play ; and having already promised to quit the Romish 
superstition, and to educate his son in the Reformed re- 
ligion, if by that means he might save his life, answered, 
that he owned no such persons to be his fathers ; that he 
needed not their prayers, and that they might have enough 
to do if they would pray for themselves. By these and 
other artifices that were used by himself and his friends, 

VOL. II. C C 



386 The trial of Du Pre. 

1665 the officers of justice at Yverden were perswaded to sentence 
him only to be banished, and to pay the fine of one hundred 
pounds ; but four of the twelve who were his judges 
dissented from the rest, and not only voted him worthy of 
death, but signed a paper to that purpose, and presented 
it in their own persons to their Excellencies, that they might 
acquit themselves from the blame of this proceeding 1 . 
When the judgment was presented to the Lords of Bern 
for their approbation, they esteemed it to intrench upon 
their sovereignty ; in that an inferior jurisdiction had taken 
upon them not only to moderate the punishment, but also 
to ascertain the fine. His mother, and divers other persons 
who had accompanied the sentence to Bern, most earnestly 
sollicited to get it confirm'd ; but because Mr. Treasurer 
Steiger was to go to Friburg the next day about some 
publick affairs, the consideration of this business was 
deferr'd for seven or eight days. At which time the 
Aug. 17. treasurer being returned, the cause was heard before 
their Excellencies ; and after mature deliberation, Du Pre 
was condemned to lose his head on the next ensuing 
Monday. The principal crimes objected against him were, 
that he had stolen and ravished the person he had since 
married, who was born and resided within the jurisdiction 
of Bern ; and that he had made an attempt to assassinate 
one or more of the English gentlemen that were protected 
by their Excellencies. He denied that he had taken his 
wife away in a violent manner, or that he designed to take 
away the life of any other Englishman except me. He 
said also, that having resolved to use him thus, they 
might have acquainted him sooner with their intentions, 
and not have incouraged him to such a mispending of 
his time as they had done. And indeed, tho' this could 
not justly be objected to their Excellencies, who designed 
no more than that he might be civilly entertain'd till the 
time of his trial, yet divers of the magistrates of Yverden, 

1 On the trial, see Stern, pp. 28- the judgment of the Court at Yver- 
32. The letter containing the reasons dun is printed there, p. 30, dated 
of the Court at Bern for disapproving Aug. 17, 1665. 



The execution of Du Pre. 387 

can by no means be excused, who drank and plaid at cards 1665 
with him in the prison. The day appointed for his 
execution being come, he was brought down ; but the 
terrors of death, with the dismal reflections upon his past 
life, seized upon him to such a degree, that he fell into 
a rage, throwing himself on the ground, biting and kicking 
those that stood near, and asking if there were no hopes of 
pardon. He was told that he ought to remember, that if 
he had been taken in his own country where he had 
murder'd his brother-in-law, and had been broken in effigie 
on the wheel, he should not have been used so gently. He 
refused to go to the place of execution any otherwise than 
by force ; so that about two hours were spent before he 
arrived at the place where he was to dye, tho' it was within 
musket-shot of the prison. Here the executioner put a cap 
on his head, and placed a chair that he might sit ; but he 
took off the cap and threw it away, and kick'd down the 
chair among the people. When the executioner saw this 
he tied his hands between his knees, and having assured 
him, that if he persisted in his resistance, he would cut him 
into forty pieces, after about an hour's contest, he at last 
performed his office. 

Soon after this, Mr. Treasurer Steiger, accompanied by 
our Bailiff and some gentlemen of Bern, was pleased to 
make us a publick visit : , leaving the officers that attended 

1 Instruction to the Hon. Treasurer for their security. And their Graces 

Steiger. ' Having deliberated to-day, being informed, though they can 

as it was referred to us, upon the hardly believe it, that they have 

subject of those Englishmen who armed some men for their defence : he 

reside at Vevay : their Graces have should enquire into the truth of it, 

not found proper, at present, to desire and if the report should be found 

their further retreat, seeing no reason true, dissuade them from such illegal 

for it; but to let things remain as practices, as a thing of bad conse- 

they are, in expectation of what quence.' Dated, Aug. 21, 1665. 

events time may produce. That never- From the Council-Book of the Re- 

theless he might after harvest-time, public of Bern. This seems to explain 

occasionally endeavour to make them one of the reasons for Steiger's visit, 

sensible, how little they are in safety It is quoted in the Life of Thomas 

where they reside at present, leaving Holies, p. 630, in a translation. The 

it to their own judgment to seek for original is printed by Prof. Stern, 

shelter somewhere else, and to watch Briefe Englischer Fluchtlinge, p. 32. 

C C 2 



388 Treasurer Steiger visits Ludlow. 

1665 him, who were fifteen or sixteen in number, at our gate, to 
the end, as he informed us, that the people observing the 
consideration and favour we received, might be quickened 
in their duty upon any occasion that might happen. He 
gave us an account of the proceedings against Du Pre, and 
informed us, that when the waterman of Morges had carried 
his mother back to Tunno, and those of that place had 
taken the liberty to censure the justice of Bern ; Madam 
de la Fleschere, the widow of our good friend and sister 
to Du Pre, coming to meet her mother at the water side, 
had presently silenc'd them, and openly said, that tho' he 
was her brother, yet she acknowledged their Excellencies 
had done nothing in relation to him but that which was 
most just. In this conversation he informed us also, that 
being in Italy in the year 1643, when the war between the 
late King and the Parliament was, as he expressed it, most 
inflamed, he had there seen a bull from the Pope, for in- 
cou raging all good Catholicks to take arms for the King 
against the Parliament, promising that those who should 
lose their lives on his side in that quarrel, should go forth- 
with to Heaven. Which is so plain that it needs no 
comment. 

By this time, my friends in Holland began to think they 
had been deluded with vain hopes from that people ; but 
being unwilling to take the shame of their credulity upon 
themselves, they resolved to lay the blame upon me ; 
alledging, that those of the States who had treated with 
them, having inquired why I was not come to Holland, and 
receiving no satisfactory answer, had concluded we were 
not agreed among our selves, and on that account would 
not proceed to finish the treaty. Whereas indeed the true 
reason was, that they were still in hopes of patching up 
a peace with England, or if that should fail, they promised 
themselves the assistance of France, whose interest seemed 
to be very different from ours. Accordingly the King of 
France being sollicited by the Dutch to make good the last 
treaty with that state, and finding he could not procure 
a peace for them, withdrew his ambassador from London, 



Monsieur Stiippd s conversation with Ludlow. 389 

and declared war against England : soon after which 1666 
a declaration of war was also published in London against Feb. 10. 
the French King, and entertained by the people with great 
joy, the Mayor and Aldermen attending on the proclama- 
tion in their habits of ceremony. 

On occasion of this war, one Monsieur Stuppa. a native 
of the Orisons, formerly a minister, and at that time an 
officer in the French service, was sent into his own country 
to raise men ; and having performed his commission, 
resolved to pass by Vevay in his return to Paris J . Being 
come to this place, he procured some of my friends to 
desire me to give him a meeting, to which I consented. 
After some general discourse upon the present conjuncture, 
he acquainted me, that tho' he had no express orders either 
from France or Holland to make any proposition to me ; 
yet he acknowledged, that the Dutch Ambassador then 
residing at Paris, had so far opened himself, as to tell him, 
that his masters designing nothing more in this war than 
to secure themselves from such double dealing as they had 
met with from the English Court ; and their quarrel not 
being against the people, but only against the King of 
England, he hoped I might be brought to act in conjunction 
with them for the good of my own country. Then he 

1 Brigadier Stouppe, a Protestant afterthe peaceofAix-la-Chapelle,and 
officer in French service, is often in 1671 raised about 19,000 men. Ex- 
mentioned by Burnet in his History tracts from his letters to Louvois are 
of his Own Time. According to printed by Rousset in his Histoire de 
Burnet he was 'a Grison by birth,' Louvois, i. 333-5, 6th edition. Hewas 
and became minister of one of the also employed by Louvois to write 
French churches in London. In pamphlets against the Dutch and 
character he describes him as ' a man the Prince of Orange; ib. p. 431. 
of intrigue, but of no virtue,' being See also Vulliemin, Histoire de la 
' more a frantic deist, than either Confederation Suisse, ii. 197, ed. 
protestant or Christian.' Cromwell 1879. Rousset terms him 'Un Grison 
employed him to enquire into the nomme Stoppa, homme d'honneur, 
state of the French protestants. d'esprit et des ressources, bon 
Burnet travelled to Italy with Stouppe officier, negociateur habile, capable de 
in 1685, and heard much gossip about tout, meme d'improviser, au courant 
Cromwell from him. Own Time, ed. de la plume, entre deux actions de 
1836, i. 120, 132, 144,612; iii. 82. guerre, un libelle centre le Prince 
Stouppe was the great recruiting d'Orange ou centre 1'Empereur.' 
agent of Louis XIV in Switzerland 



39 Scheme for the restoration of the Commonwealth. 

1666 proceeded to ask what grounds there might be to hope that 
the Commonwealth party, with a moderate number of 
forces to join with them, would be able to carry their 
point, professing himself to be as well in judgment as 
interest disposed to wish them well : and on this head we 
went over many particulars, tho' I durst not be so free with 
him as was requisite to a full clearing of such matters. 
Some days after this, we had another conference, in which 
by the perswasion of a particular friend, I acquainted him, 
that if any just and honourable way should be proposed for 
the restitution of the republick in England, I would readily 
use the best of my endeavours, and hazard my life in that 
service. He seemed well satisfied with this answer ; and 
having assured me that a great sum of mony would be 
advanced to give life to the interest of our friends, and to 
assist them in their preparations for action, we agreed on 
a way of correspondence, and so parted. 

The next morning, one Mr. Constance came to me from 
the Count of Donnagh, with a message to desire me to 
meet him privately at Lausanna, which I promised to do 
the more willingly, because the said Count had lately given 
proof of his kindness to us. by sending me advice, that his 
ladies father passing through Chatillion, (the principal place 
of our enemies rendevouz) had been certainly informed, 
that those who had murder'd Mr. Lisle, were come again 
into these parts with intentions to assassinate us ; and more 
particularly me, assuring, that I might give credit to the 
thing, because it had been imparted to his father-in-law, on 
supposition that he approved the design. The gentleman 
informed me also, that the Count had a commission from 
the States of Holland to raise three thousand men in these 
parts ; that the Heer John de Witte had advised him to 
see me, and that he hoped the levies he was to make, 
might be imploy'd for the restitution of the Commonwealth 
in England. To which I answered, as I had done before 
to Monsieur Stuppa, that I was always ready to lay down 
my life in so good a cause. 

Few days after this, I received a letter from Holland to 



Ludlow is invited to Paris. 391 

inform me, that our friends were entring into new measures, 1666 
and that the Heer John de Witte, together with the Heer 
Nieuport, and others who seemed most affectionate to us, 
had advised, that for several reasons, the treaty between 
Holland and our friends might be carried on at Paris ; that 
Colonel Algernon Sidney and I would repair to France for 
that purpose, where we should be lodged at the house of 
the Dutch Ambassador, promising that we should have 
passports in the best form, requiring all magistrates and 
other officers in that kingdom to be serviceable and assisting 
to us. In the same packet I had another from England 
to inform me, that the condition of our friends there was 
not contemptible, and that they thought no hazards too 
great to be ventur'd in order to deliver themselves from the 
evils they suffer'd, and greater which they had just cause to 
fear. They exhorted me therefore to lay aside all scruples 
and former prejudices, and to improve the present favour- 
able conjuncture to the advantage of the Commonwealth. 
These letters were accompanied with three more ; one from 
Colonel Algernon Sidney, inviting me to give him a 
meeting at Basle, in order to continue our journy from 
thence to Paris. The other two were written by Mr. Say, 
and Colonel Bisco, to press me to engage in this under- 
taking, promising, that if I would resolve to go, all the 
exiles would not fail to accompany me ; and adding, that 
if I refused, they believed no man would stir. I found by 
these letters that there had been some heats and jealousies 
between Colonel Sidney and Mr. Say, the former charging 
Mr. Say with having privately disswaded me from engaging 
in this enterprise, and Mr. Say accusing Colonel Sidney of 
using all the means he could to discourage me ; but to do 
them justice, I must needs say, that they both endeavoured 
to the utmost of their power to engage me in this affair. 

These things brought me into great doubts and diffi- 
culties. For on the one hand, if I should neglect the 
present offers, and the design should miscarry, I fore- 
saw that my friends, who had sollicited me to engage, 
would not fail to attribute the fault to me, by whatever 



39 2 Reasons against going to Paris. 

1666 means the ill success should happen. On the other side, if 
I should resolve to enter upon such a treaty, besides my 
own want of ability for the management of so great an 
affair, the unsuitableness of my principles and circum- 
stances, together with the aversion I had to treat in France, 
and perhaps with that King's ministers, who had all along 
favour'd those bloody designs which had been contrived 
against my life *, I could not see how I might come to any 
resolution, what to offer, demand, promise or perform. 
Being under this perplexity, I was attack'd again on the 
same account by two of our friends, who made a journy 
from Holland on purpose to perswade me to take part in 
this affair ; so that finding my self thus pressed on all hands, 
I told them, that the Lord Jermyn being lately arrived at 
Paris, with orders from the Court of England, to treat of 
an accommodation with the King of France, in which he 
would not fail to be powerfully assisted by the Queen- 
mother of England 2 ; this treaty might take effect, as that 
April 18. of the Bishop of Munster with the States had already done ; 
by which means it would certainly fall out, that, tho' we 
should not be betray'd by the French, which I doubted, 
yet the Lords of Bern would no longer think themselves 
obliged to protect us as they had hitherto done ; that if the 
levies of Suiss soldiers which the States were about to 
make, should be designed for England as we had been 
informed, I thought my present stay in these parts might 
be of more use to the publick, than if I should take the 
journy that was proposed ; and that for many reasons 
I was very unwilling to put my self into the hands of the 
King of France. Yet that they might see I would go as 

1 The danger which the republican where he was tried and condemned 

exiles incurred in France was very to death. Burnet, Own Time, ed. 

considerable. In Jan. 1663, Johnston 1836, i. 361, 370. 
of Warriston was seized at Rouen, * Jermyn obtained a pass for 

and lodged in Dieppe Castle, whence France March 23, 1666, and was sent 

he was transported to England for to treat with Louis XIV in Feb. 1667. 

trial. See Cal. S. P., Dom., 1661-2, The first visit is here referred to. See 

pp. 593, 594 ; ib. 1662-3, PP- I2 > J 3> Arlington's Letters, ed. Bebington, 

25-28, 32, 38,45, 140-144. In May, p. 131 ; Ranke, History of England, 

1663, he was shipped to Scotland, iii. 441. 



English fugitives siimmoned to retiirn. 393 

great a length in this business as I could, I offer'd, that if 1666 
the States should think fit to publish a declaration to 
acknowledge the error of delivering up our three friends ; 
promise to use their endeavours to restore the Common- 
wealth to the exercise of their authority ; furnish such 
a number of troops of the reformed religion as might be 
probably sufficient to protect our friends in coming into 
them, and oblige themselves not to leave us in a worse 
condition than we were at that time, I would heartily 
engage in the enterprize. With this answer my two 
friends returned to Holland, and being on their way sent 
me word, that the person who resided for the King of 
France at Mentz, and is brother to his ambassador at 
Ratisbonne, had been at Frankfurt on purpose to meet 
Colonel Sidney and me, supposing we had both been at 
that place ; where in a conference with the Colonel, he had 
communicated to him a letter from Monsieur de Lyonne 
Secretary of State, written in cypher by the order of the 
King of France, in which he was commanded to acquaint 
us, that if we would go to Paris, we should have all the 
security the government could give or we could desire for 
the safety of our persons. 

The Court of England having received some obscure 
informations of a design carried on by the Dutch to land 
some forces to assist their enemies at home, published 
a proclamation to require Colonel John Desbrowe, Colonel April 21. 
Thomas Kelsey 1 , Colonel John White, Major John Grove, 
Sir Robert Honywood junior, Captain John Nicholas of 
Monmouth, and divers other persons, to return into Eng- 
land, and to surrender themselves into the hands of some 
Justice of the Peace in the county where they should land, 
before the 23rd day of the next ensuing July, on pain 
of being proceeded against as traytors 2 . But not being 

1 Col. Blood seems to have had procured a promise of indemnity 

finally negotiated the return of for them. Somers Tracts, ed. Scott, 

some of these fugitives. Desborough viii. 449; 6th Rep. Hist. MSS. 

and Kelsey came to England and Comm., p. 368; 7th Rep., p. 464. 

surrendered themselves in 1672. It a The Act attainting Doleman and 

was generally supposed, that Blood other Englishmen in Dutch service 



394 



France and Holland. 



1666 contented with this, they employed a Jesuite to procure the 
Pensioner John de Witte to be murder'd, who not only 
undertook that employment, but promised to get me to be 
assassinated also. Myn Heer Nieuport, who had formerly 
been ambassador for the States in England, sent his son to 
Mr. Say to acquaint him with this matter, assuring him 
that the Jesuite was already come to Holland, and that 
they hoped to seize him ; but lest other persons might be 
engaged with him in the design against me, of whom they 
had no information, he desired that I might be forthwith 
advised of what they had discovered ; which Mr. Say 
punctually performed 1 . 

Our friends began now to perceive the effects of Jermyn's 
negociation, and that the French King would rather chuse 
to procure to himself the management of the Court of 
England at any rate, than either to do an honourable thing 
for men in distress, or to give his allies common satisfaction 
in the smallest things that might disgust his brother of 
England in this conjuncture. For the Dutch ambassador 



which received the King's assent on 
Oct. 31, 1665, contained a provision 
that whilst the war with Holland 
lasted the King should be em- 
powered to summon by proclama- 
tion Englishmen residing abroad to 
surrender themselves within a given 
time. In case of refusal to obey the 
proclamation they incurred the 
penalties of high treason. A list 
of persons to be thus summoned 
was drawn up on March 26. It con- 
tained the following names : William 
Scott, Sir Robert Honeywood 
junior, Col. John Desborough, John 
Grove, John Phelps, Col. Kilpatrick, 
Algernon Sidney, Oliver St. John, 
Richard Cromwell, Richard Steele, 
Col. Cobbett, Richard Deane, and 
Newcomen and Hickman ministers. 
Most of these names, however, were 
on consideration withdrawn. On 
April 9 the King signed a proclama- 
tion recalling the five persons first 



mentioned in the list of March 26, 
and adding to them Thomas Kelsey, 
John White, William Burton, 
Thomas Cole of Southampton, 
Spurway, Edward Radden, and 
Dr. Edward Richardson. In this 
second list the names of Algernon 
Sidney and Sir James Harrington 
were originally included, but after- 
wards erased. Finally, on April 21, 
the proclamation was printed with the 
additionof the name of John Nicholas 
of Monmouthshire. Cal. S. P., Dom., 
1665-6, pp. 342, 348, 358. Depositions 
connected with the question of includ- 
ing Richard Cromwell in this list are 
printed at length in the Athenaeum, 
April 12, 1862, and in Waylen's 
House of Cromwell, p. 18. 

1 In a letter dated May 30, 1666, 
Ludlow gives Humelius an account 
of recent news from England, and 
mentions the receipt of this message 
from Nieuport. See Appendix. 



Ludlow again summoned to Holland. 395 

having demanded that Te Deum might be sung in the great r666 
church at Paris for the late victory they had obtained 
against the English fleet commanded by Monk and Prince 
Rupert ; he refused to permit it for three reasons. First, June 1-4. 
on account that they differed in religion. In the second 
place, that having had no forces in the engagement, he could 
have no share in the victory. And thirdly, that it would 
be of little advantage to either of the States to triumph over 
their enemies. Our friends had been made to believe that 
they should have the assistance of France in a great sum 
of mony ; but few of them approved of their sending forces, 
as was at last proposed, suspecting their fidelity in case of 
success. And I think the event shew'd that this last 
proposition was made by the French (who had been lately 
intriguing with the Court of England) in confidence that it 
would not be accepted. 

But however affairs might stand in France, yet our friends 
in Holland had not lost all hopes, as may appear by the 
following letter which I received from thence. 

SIR, 

' We cannot look upon the frequent and earnest applica- 
tions of so many of our friends for your coming into these 
parts to be lost. We are fully satisfied of our interest with 
you, and have heard with joy the report of those gentlemen 
who were lately at Vevay, how much you are concerned 
for the publick cause. We cannot but be sensible of the 
difference between treating with a monarch, and engaging 
with a free state, and are glad to find that the same 
principles which arm you against the one, cause you to 
incline to the other upon reasonable terms ; which we doubt 
not would be offer'd, if you would appear among us. They 
have here received such an account of the condition of our 
friends in England, that they are inclined to give us con- 
siderable succours of all things necessary for our enterprise. 
This is the second time that the States have caused a great 
body of land-forces to be shipp'd on board their fleet purely 
on our account, protesting in the most solemn manner, that 



396 Ludlow resolves to go to Holland. 

1666 they have no other design than to give the good people of 
England a seasonable and effectual aid. If we lose this 
opportunity, we may probably repent our folly, but shall 
hardly redeem our credit. For these reasons we renew our 
most affectionate desires that you would hasten to us, and 
hope for your speedy answer rather in person than by 
writing, lest this also be added to all our former afflictions, 
that another opportunity be lost.' 



This letter being subscribed by many persons was sent 
to me by the way of Germany, and a duplicate being 
dispatch'd at the same time through France, I received 
both. From all which, considering that so much weight 
was laid upon my presence in Holland, tho' I could see 
little reason for their opinion, I resolved to insist no longer 
upon any thing to be done by the States previous to my 
engagement, but only that they would disclaim that action 
which had passed in relation to our three friends, and 
promise to make provision, in any treaty they should make 
with our enemies, for all those who should engage with 
them, or at least to leave them in as good a condition as 
they were at the time of their engagement. If this could 
be effected I determined to make use of the following 
passport, which I had received from the Count D'Estrades, 
ambassador for the King of France to the States General 
of the United Provinces x . 



1 The history of this passport is me anything further about them.' 

explained by these extracts from the To M. de Lionne d'Estrades writes, 

French archives quoted by Guizot. on March 14 : ' Mr. Sidney, a person 

The Comte D'Estrades, French am- of quality and of great desert, who 

bassador in Holland, writes to Louis was employed on important em- 

XIV on March n, 1666: ' M. de bassies by the late Protector, having 

Witt has requested me to supply informed me, that, at this crisis now 

a passport to Messrs Sidney and that the King has declared war 

Ludlow, enabling them to go into against England, he desires to place 

France. These are two men of great himself under the protection of his 

merit. They are at Frankfort, and Majesty, and to go himself to France 

have expressed a desire of waiting to offer his services if occasion should 

upon your Majesty on important present itself for their exercise, I 

business. M. de Witt has not told have deemed it right to give him my 



Ludlow s passport. 397 

' Le Comte UEstrades, Lieutenant-General en chef dans 1666 
les arme'es du Roy, Gouvcrneur de Donqiierque, Maire 
perpettiel de Bourdeaux, Vice- Roy de FA merique, chevalier 
des ordres de sa Majeste, &* son ambassadeur extra- 
ordinaire en Hollande. 

1 Nous requerons tous Gouverneurs, Commandeurs, 
Capitaines, Lieutenants, Maires, Eschevins, Juges, 8: autres 
officiers tant de mer que de terre, a qui il appartiendra, 
de laisser seurement & librement passer, chacun par les 
lieux de ses pouvoirs & jurisdictions, le Sieur Edmond 
Ludlow & quatre valets, sans aucun trouble ou empesche- 
ment, mais plutost toute faveur, aide & assistance, & ils 
nous feront un singulier plaisir. Fait a la Haye le 2 jour de 
Mars, 1666. 

D'ESTRADES. 
His seal of Arms 
was here affixed. 

The same in English. 

' The Count D'Estrades, Lieutenant-General in chief of 
the King's Armies, Governor of Dunkirk, perpetual 
Mayor of Bourdeaux, Vice-Roy of America, Knight of 
his Majesty's orders, and his extraordinary ambassador 
in Holland. J 

' We require all Governors, Commanders, Captains, Lieut- 
enants, Mayors, Sheriffs, Judges, and other officers to whom 

it may belong as well by sea as by land, to permit 

with four servants, to pass freely and safely through the 
places of their respective powers and jurisdictions, without 

passport, in order that no opportunity here the passports which you have 

which may arise for his serving his given to Messrs Sidney and Ludlow. 

Majesty in this conjuncture may be At all events, it is not the same 

delayed, leaving it for you to con- thing that they should have been 

sider what may be best, after having forwarded by a minister believing he 

had an interview with Mr. Sidney.' would thus serve his master better, 

D'Estrades was blamed for his eager- and that they should have had them 

ness to give the passport. ' We from his Majesty himself.' Guizot, 

shall endeavour,' writes M.de Lionne Monk's Contemporaries, trans, by 

to him on April 2, 1666, to 'regain Scoble, 1851, pp. 50, 52. 



398 A plot discovered in Holland. 

1666 any trouble or impediment, but rather all manner of favour, 
aid and assistance. Given at the Hague the second of 
March, 1666. 

' D'ESTRADES.' 

Aug. 25, 26. Some time after this, an engagement happening between 
the English and Dutch fleets, tho' both parties made 
bonfires for the victory, yet the Court of England conceiving 
the advantage to have been on their side, resolved to 
improve the opportunity for the advancement of the Prince 
of Orange. To this end the Earl of Arlington, who was 
then Secretary of State, wrote a letter to one Buat a French- 
man, with whom he had correspondence ; and knowing him 
to be well affected to the Prince, acquainted him that he 
judged this to be the time of promoting that interest. 
Buat, who, tho' he had a military command in Holland, yet 
pretended to serve that state with intelligence from foreign 
parts, having on that account some paper to present to the 
Pensionary John de Witte, put the Lord Arlington's letter 
by mistake into his hands. Upon this, Buat was seized 
with his papers ; which, as was said, gave them so much 
light, that Trump with his brother-in-law the Sieur Kuivoit 
of Roterdam, were removed from their employments, and 
forbidden to appear in any publick council ; the latter, with 
one Vanderhulst of the same place, departing the country. 
Many others were seized, and orders being given to prose- 
Oct. ^j. cute Buat for treason, he was found guilty and condemned 
to lose his head J . Trump was confined to his house, and 
the Baron de Ghent was appointed to succeed him in his 
command by sea. 

About the middle of September, 1666, the Count of 
Donagh sent me advice by M. Constance, that, having been 
at Chatillion, the usual place of our enemies rendezvouz, 
he had obliged the master of the inn where they met, to 
promise, that if he should discover any persons to have 
a design against us for the future, or if those who formerly 

1 On Buat's intrigues, see Pontalis, Jean de Witt, i. 389-395 ; Clarendon, 
Continuation, 835 855, ed. 1857. 



The English Court inclines to peace. 399 

frequented his house on that account should at any time 1666 
return thither, he would not fail to inform him forthwith. 
This message was the more seasonable, because within few 
days, our good friend Monsieur Torneri, upon whom alone, 
since the death of Monsieur de la Fleschere, we depended 
for intelligence from Savoy, was murder'd by Du Fargis, 
one of those who with Du Pre attempted to assassinate us 
in the year 1664. It was said, that Monsieur Torneri had 
spoken some words concerning Du Fargis, which containing 
too much truth, and therefore most offending ; Du Fargis 
having waited some time for an occasion of revenge, at last 
shot him in the head, as he was on horseback taking leave 
of his sister at her house in Yvian ; of which wound he died 
the same day. 

The Court of England having procured from the 
Parliament a grant of about eighteen hundred thousand 
pounds, under colour of carrying on the war against 
Holland and France ; began immediately after the pro- 
rogation of the Parliament, to discover their intentions to 
make peace with their neighbours. Presents and offices 
of civility passed frequently between Paris and London ; 
and the King of France sent orders to all his ports, that if 
any English ships should be forced into them by stress of 
weather or otherwise, they should be received and assisted 
with all things necessary. The King of England acquainted 
the ambassador of Sweden, that as mediator he might 
intimate to the States, that upon an invitation from them, 
they should not find him averse from peace, and that he 
was contented the Hague should be the place of treating. 
But the Pensionary John De Witte, who well knew what 
opportunities of sowing divisions among them the Hague 
would afford, calling to mind that the King had formerly 
pretended he would never be brought to treat in any other 
place than at London, and therefore suspecting that by 
this seeming condescension he might propose to himself 
to do that by little arts, which he could not compass by 
open force, procured the States to excuse themselves from 
treating at the Hague, under colour that being an open 



4-OO The negotiations at Breda begin. 

1667 town, they could not so well protect such ministers as 
should be sent to treat, from the insults of the people, as 
they had formerly experienced to their great regret, and 
to ofifer Utretcht, Breda, or Maestricht for the place of 
treating, at the choice of the King of England. When the 
Swedish Ambassador had communicated this answer to 
the King, he fell into a great passion, not so much on 
account of their refusal, but because he saw his designs 
discovered. However, being resolved not to set out the 
fleet, and therefore constrained to be calm, he swallow'd 
the bitter draught, and made choice of Breda for this 
purpose. He nominated Mr. Denzil Hollis, who for his 
merits in helping to bring about the late change, was 
now called Lord Hollis, together with one Mr. Coventry to 
be his commissioners for treating the peace, putting on an 
appearance of caressing the Dutch, calling them his allies, 
offering that each party should keep what they possess' d, 
and that the treaty concluded between them in the year 
1662 should be the foundation of this. The seamen 
wanting employment, enter'd themselves for the most part 
into the service of the merchants, and some of them into 
that of the States ; by which means it became impossible 
to man out a fleet upon any occasion however pressing. 

The Dutch being well inform'd of what pass'd in England, 
and thinking this opportunity not to be neglected, made 
as great preparations for war as they had ever done. 
De Ruyter was appointed to command the fleet, and four 
thousand land-men were put on board under the conduct 
of one Colonel Doleman, an experienc'd officer, and who for 
not rend ring himself within the time limited by the late 
proclamation, had incurred the penalty of treason by virtue 
of a late act passed at Westminster, and on that account 
believed to be more firm to their interest l . In this con- 

1 Col. Thomas Doleman com- Scotch regiments, disbanded them, 
manded one of the Anglo-Scotch forming from those officers and sol- 
regiments in the Dutch service. diers who desired to remain in 
Anticipating a war with Charles II, Dutch pay, three new regiments, 
the States, who had in their from which they exacted a new oath 
service four English and three of fidelity (Feb. 1665). Doleman, 



Ludlows cautious dealing with the Dutch. 401 

juncture, my friends and country-men in Holland attack'd 1667 
me again with letters, assuring me, that nothing could 
hinder the speedy dispatch of this fleet but the expectation 
of my arrival ; that the States had resolved to land a con- 
siderable force in a certain place in England by their advice, 
and that our friends in England should have timely notice 
of their intentions ; that Colonel Doleman was to command 
those troops as general, unless I should arrive before the 
sailing of the fleet, and in such case it was order'd that he 
should have the next post under me. But having received 
no satisfaction touching those things upon which I had 
formerly insisted ; being of opinion that it lay within the 
power of the Court of England to make peace with the 
Dutch when they pleased, and conceiving that the great 
preparations made by the Dutch, and the correspondences 
kept on foot with our friends were only in order to constrain 
the King to a compliance with them ; I returned for my 
answer, that I thought Colonel Doleman, who was in the 
actual service of the States, and an able officer, to be much 
fitter for that employment than my self. But if, contrary 
to my sense of things, the States and our friends should 
judge otherwise, I told them again, that if I might have 
satisfaction in the two points I formerly mentioned, I would 
not be wanting to contribute my best assistance to the 
service of the publick, tho' in the lowest degree of employ- 
ment ; and that if I might be assured that a journy to 
Holland at this time would not tend to deprive me of the 
protection I now enjoy'd, I would not fail for their satis- 
faction to undertake it without delay, that we might debate 
these things together upon the place. It soon appeared 
that I had good ground for this caution ; for upon the 
arming of the Bishop of Munster contrary to the late 
agreement he had made, and the restitution of Rhynberg 

Kilpatrick and Acker (?) are said Bampfield, if they did not render 

to have been the names of the themselves by a certain day (L. J. 

Colonels. Pontalis, Jean de Witt, i. xi. 700). Doleman commanded the 

338. The Parliament of 1665 passed troops on board the Dutch fleet in the 

an act for attainting Thomas Dole- summer of 1667. Cal. S. P., Dom., 

man, Thomas Scot, and Joseph 1667, pp. 291, 354. 

VOL II. D d 



4O2 Mismanagement of the English Government. 

1667 demanded by the Elector of Colen, together with some 
other accidents, the Dutch shewed themselves ready to 
treat with England, upon the foot of the treaty concluded 
between them in the year 1662, with little alteration in the 
articles touching the King's enemies, and none at all in that 
relating to the late King's judges. 

The English plenipotentiaries, notwithstanding the ill 
condition of affairs at home, spent a whole month at Breda 
without entring into conference with those of Holland, 
which with the quarrels that happened between these two 
ministers, gave the States a farther occasion to improve the 
present conjuncture to the best advantage ; many of them 
declaring openly that they would protect the most obnoxious 
of the King's enemies. In this resolution they sent their 
fleet to sea, and made directly for the river of Thames with 
their land-forces on board. The Court of England having 
made no preparations for the defence of the nation, was 
alarum'd to the last degree with the news of their approach ; 
and atthe first meeting of the Council, a proposition was made 
to assemble the Parliament with all possible expedition, tho' 
they had been adjourn'd to the tenth of October, that by 
their advice either a peace might be made to the satisfaction 
of the nation, or the war carried on to the best advantage. 
On the other side, the Chancellor Hyde knowing himself 
to be in danger from the Parliament, did all that he 
could to oppose that motion ; and conceiving an army 
more useful to promote the arbitrary designs of the Court, 
took this occasion to propose the raising of twelve thousand 
men. And tho' the major part of the Council carried it for 
assembling the Parliament on the 25th of the next ensuing 
July, and that a proclamation should be forthwith published 
to that end, yet the design of raising an army was not laid 
aside. 

The Dutch admiral rinding no enemies at sea, resolv'd to 
attack the English in their own harbours, and to that end 
made all sail for the river. The first English ships he saw 
were eight or nine outward bound merchant-men with their 
convoy, which upon discovery of the Holland fleet having 



The Dutch at Chatham. 403 

tack'd about, he chaced them up to the Hope ; but being 1667 
suddenly becalmed, he was oblig'd to come to an anchor. 
Here he met with a storm, which ending in a favourable 
north-east wind, he stood towards the Isle of Shepway, June n. 
and being arrived there, he landed about eight hundred 
men, seized the island, and took the fort of Sheerness, a ship 
of war that lay for the guard of that fort, being taken by 
some of their great ships at the same time. Having 
possessed themselves of this fort, eighteen of their lesser 
vessels with some fire-ships, under the conduct of Vice- 
Admiral Van Ghent, sailed the next day into the river of J"^ I2 - 
Chatham, and notwithstanding the ships that had been 
sunk to hinder their passage, came up to an iron chain that 
traversed the river, and had been made on this occasion, 
fought the Mathias and Charles the Fifth, which were 
order'd to defend it, killed most of their men, burnt the 
ships and broke the chain. Then passing by Upner-Castle 
they burnt the Mary, took the Unity and the Royal Charles, 
and placed their colours upon the latter in view of her 
master, who stood on the shore observing the effects of his 
prudent and vigilant government. On the third day they J un e 13- 
burnt the Royal Oak, the Royal James, and the Loyal 
London, with divers other smaller vessels. In this deplor- 
able state of affairs, Monk being desirous to save the 
remaining ships, he caused them to be sunk in the river, 
and order'd fire-ships to fall in among the Dutch fleet, but 
without the success he expected. In the mean time, the 
trained-bands from all the adjacent parts were marching 
towards Chatham, to endeavour to prevent farther mischief 
by land ; nine ships were sunk at Woolwich, and four at 
Blackwal ; and platforms furnished with artillery and works 
to defend them, were raised in divers places to hinder the 
enemy from coming up to London. But the Dutch, who 
had another game to play, having exacted a sum of mony 
from the inhabitants of Shepway, and carried off the guns 
and ammunition they found at Sheerness, fell down with 
their fleet to the Buoy in the Nore, and Solebay; giving 
leisure to all parties to make their reflections upon this 

D d 2 



404 The treaty of Breda. 

1667 expedition ; the Court in the mean time taking hold of this 
occasion to colour the raising of land-forces 1 . 

These losses, and this dishonour falling upon the English, 
were not without effect at Breda. For their plenipotentiaries, 
who had hitherto been very slow in their negotiation, now 
applied themselves so effectually to the work, that in two 
or three days they made a considerable progress in the 
treaty, and agreed to the articles that were thought to 
contain the greatest difficulties. One article concerning 
Denmark retarded the conclusion for some days, the 
English ambassadors desiring time to know the King's 
pleasure in that matter. But he being compell'd to submit 
to the present necessity, order'd them to sign all, expecting 
June 29. to take revenge at a more convenient time. 

By this time it was manifest, that tho' the Pensionary 
John de Witte, and the Heer Nieuport, with one or two 
more might be sincere in their dealings with us ; yet the 
far greater part of the States and their officers had desired 
our conjunction with them for no other end, than to 
procure better terms for themselves from our common 
enemy, chusing rather to see a tyranny than a Common- 
wealth established in England, as knowing by experience 
that they could corrupt the former, and by that means 
possess themselves of the most profitable parts of trade. 
And therefore having procured from the English Court 
some new advantages for their commerce, notwithstanding 
all that had passed, and their most solemn protestations 
made to our friends, they agreed to articles touching the 
King's enemies, which were the same in substance with 
those of 1662, promising to deliver up those they call 
Regicides into the hands of the King's ministers, or others 
appointed by him ; and to deal with all persons who 

1 The best account of the state of from the State Papers.' Languard 
England during June 1667, the Fort near Harwich was the only 
preparations for defence, and the place seriously attacked (July 2), and 
Dutch attacks on the coast, is given here the Dutch were repulsed with 
by Mrs. M. E. Green in the Preface considerable loss. Colonel Dole- 
to the Calendar of State Papers for man was said to be in command of 
1667. See also Ewald's ' Stories the troops landed. 



Ludlows caution justified by events. 405 

should be declared fugitives or rebels, as I have mentioned 1667 
already in another place : only forsooth those who flic 
to them for matters of conscience shall not be judged to be 
comprehended in that article ; as if the King would not 
be glad to clear his hands of all those who have any 
conscience, having pressed them long since to shew their 
peaceable disposition by retiring into some of the American 
Plantations, where they might enjoy the liberty of their 
consciences without interruption. Besides, if he should 
desire to reach any persons who might withdraw to 
Holland on this account, 'tis but charging them with 
some heinous crime, and then they are to be treated as 
rebels and fugitives. But having purchased the former 
peace with the price of blood, they resolved to strengthen 
the second with the same cement. So that I think it may 
be concluded without injustice, that the Dutch had no real 
intention to do any good to those who were oppressed in 
England, and that it was in the power of that Court to 
make peace with them whenever they pleased, tho' with 
the ruin of those who should engage on their side. And 
I conceive my self obliged to bless God for the caution 
I used in requiring them to deal plainly and openly in 
the things which I demanded, and they pretended to do 
for us, before I would join in the undertaking. If the 
Dutch had been necessitated by ill success to accept 
such terms as they could get from the Court of England, 
I doubt not all the blame would have been thrown upon 
me ; but since it pleased God to put it into their power 
to do us all the good imaginable, and our enemies all 
the hurt, 'tis past dispute that the defect was altogether 
in their will. 

Whilst these things were in agitation, the Parliament 
met on the 25th of July, according to the late proclama- 
tion ; and entring immediately upon the debate of the 
army, which they resolv'd to break, spoke so clearly and 
freely touching that matter, that the Court resolv'd to give 
them a little interruption, hoping in that time to take off 
some of those who had appeared with the greatest warmth 



406 The fall of Clarendon. 

1667 by such means as they had in their hands, or if that design 
should not succeed, to think upon taking new measures. 
To this end they were acquainted by the Chancellor Hyde, 
that it was the King's pleasure they should adjourn till 
the 29th of the same month : but before this message 
July 25. came to them, they had passed a resolution, that the King 
should be desired forthwith to disband the army he had 
lately raised. The day to which they had been adjourned 
being come, and the House full of members, their Speaker 
appear'd not, till the King came to the House of Peers, 
where, having sent for the House of Commons, he made 
a short speech touching the late peace, and then directed 
the Chancellor to do as he had commanded ; who, without 
any preamble told them, that it was his Majesties pleasure 
they should be adjourned to the tenth of October next. 
But for all this, some of the Council had the courage to 
oppose these violent courses, and to advise, that the army 
might be disbanded according to the desire of the House 
of Commons, that the Seal should be taken from Hyde, 
and that the Parliament should meet at the time appointed, 
and be left to the liberty of providing for the publick 
safety in their own way. Pursuant to this advice, Monk 
was employ'd to demand the Seal of the Chancellor, and 
embraced this occasion of revenge with joy ; for the 
Chancellor had openly blamed his conduct in presuming 
to attack the whole Dutch fleet the last year, whilst 
Prince Rupert with part of the English fleet was separated 
from him x . The Chancellor refused to deliver the Seal to 
Monk, under pretence that some men had suffered for 
parting with it too easily, telling him, that he would bring 
it to the King in Council the next day, being not without 
hopes by his interest and presence to prevail with them 

1 ' The King did yesterday send returned the Duke of Albemarle 

the Duke of Albemarle (the only without it.' Pepys, Diary, Aug. 26, 

man fit for these works) to him for 1667. Sir William Morrice was 

his purse : to which the Chancellor finally sent for the Great Seal on 

answered, that he received it from Aug. 30, with a warrant under the 

the King, and would deliver it to the Sign Manual, and to him Clarendon 

King's own hand, and so civilly delivered it. 



The secret history of his disgrace. 407 

to change their resolution. But his master finding himself 1667 
obliged to give way to the present torrent, persisted in his 
demand, and having received the Seal from his hands, 
entrusted it to Sir Orlando Bridgman, with the title of Aug. 31, 
Lord Keeper. 

Among the various reasons that were given to justifie 
the King in abandoning the Chancellor to the resentment 
of the people, one was, that he had countermined the King 
in the design he had to be divorced from the Queen l , 
under pretence that she had been preingaged to another 
person ; that she had made a vow of chastity before her 
marriage, and that she was uncapable of having children. 
The person designed to fill her place was one Mrs. Stuart, 
a young and beautiful lady, who had some office under 
the Queen. The Chancellor, who had procured his 
daughter to be married to the Duke of York, and was 
therefore suspected of having made the match with the 
Infanta of Portugal, that he might make way for the 
succession of the collateral line, sent for the Duke of 
Richmond ; and pretending to be sorry that a person of 
his worth, and near relation to the King should receive no 
marks of his favour, advised him to marry Mrs. Stuart, 
as the most certain way he could take to advance himself. 
The young man unwarily took in the bait, and credulously 
relying upon what the old Volpone had said, made 
immediate application to the young lady, who was ignorant 
of the King's intentions, and in a few days married her 2 . 
The King being thus disappointed, and soon after informed 
by what means this match had been brought about, 
banished the Duke with his new Dutchess from the Court, 



1 On this design for the King's gave no more advice, or counsel, or 
divorce see Ludlow's letterof June 10, countenance in it, than the child that 
1670, Appendix, p. 503, Christie's is not born: which your Majesty 
Shaftesbury, ii. 8, 41, and Burnet, seemed once to believe, when I took 
Own Time, i. 474, ed. 1833. notice to you of the report, and when 

2 Clarendon refers to this charge in you considered how totally I was 
his letter of vindication to the King, a stranger to the persons mentioned.' 
Nov. 16. 1667. 'I am as innocent/ Continuation of Life, 1181. 

he writes, ' in that whole affair, and 



408 New designs against the exiles. 

1667 and kept his resentment against the Chancellor to a more 
convenient opportunity. 

By letters from Paris I was informed, that the Dutchess 
of Orleans, not at all discouraged by the unsuccessfulness 
of the attempts of her instruments against us, had openly 
declared, that she would not rest, till the design should be 
effected, if mony would bring it about ; and to that end 
had employed other persons than those who had formerly 
endeavoured to assassinate us. Few days after, a Swiss 
merchant residing at Lyons, coming to Vevay upon 
business, relating to his profession, acquainted me, that 
having observed an English gentleman of a reserved 
carriage to have taken a lodging in a private house at 
Lyons, and finding upon inquiry that he was no trader ; 
thinking him to be too far advanced in age to travel 
either for pleasure, or to acquire experience, and disliking 
the company he frequented, he began to suspect him to be 
one of those who were employed in the design against us ; 
and being desirous to know the truth in order to do us 
what service he could, he soon found means to be in- 
troduced into his acquaintance. After two or three days' 
conversation, the gentleman finding him to be a Swiss, and 
of the Canton of Friburg, inquired of him whether Vevay 
were within that jurisdiction, whether the English gentle- 
men were still there, and in what number, and whether he 
had any acquaintance or interest in the place ; and upon 
answer that he had many friends there, he began to make 
him great offers if he would enter into an engagement against 
us. He proceeded to tell me, that in order to draw out 
what he could of the design, he had objected the difficulty 
of the undertaking, by reason those gentlemen were so 
constantly upon their guard, and so well beloved by all 
persons in the town, that no stranger could come thither 
without being strictly examined and diligently observ'd : 
besides, that their Excellencies of Bern, by so severely 
punishing one of those who had attempted to assassinate 
them, had sufficiently declared to the world what usage 
others might expect, who should engage in such an 



Roux de Marcilly. 409 

enterprize. To which the assassin made answer, that he 1668 
was convinced that was no hope of carrying any of us off 
by force, or attempting against us in an open manner, but 
that the business might be done from a hedge or a wall 
by persons disguised ; adding, that Riardo and others had 
foolishly squander'd away the mony of the Dutchess of 
Orleans ; but that now the design was so well laid that it 
could not easily miscarry. This person he describ'd to be 
of a low stature, his hair of a dark brown beginning to turn 
gray, of quick apprehension, and of an active and strong 
constitution. He informed me also, that tho' some persons 
in Savoy had undertaken for a considerable sum to raise 
such a party of men as might seize us by open force ; yet 
those who had engaged them, failing to supply them with 
mony according to agreement, that design, and all others 
of that nature, he believed, were totally laid aside. He 
concluded with assuring me, that he would take pains to 
learn what he could of this or any other thing that might 
concern us, and not fail to give me timely and faithful 
advice of what he should discover. 

The part in this scene, on which our enemies laid most 
weight, was to be acted by one Roux, a quick witted, 
nimble tongued and confident French-man *, who upon 
recommendation from France was entertain'd at the house 
of one Colonel Balthazar, in the country of Veaux, as 
others had been who were engaged in the same villanous 
design. He gave himself out for a considerable person, 
and pretended to be commissionated from the King of 
England, to treat about affairs of great importance with the 
four Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, and more parti- 
cularly with their Lordships of Bern. Colonel Balthazar 

1 A long account of Roux is given Nismes, about 1625. A despatch 

by Haag, in vol. ix. of La France from Ruvigny to Louis XIV, dated 

Protestante. Ludlow knows nothing 29 May, 1668, gives the following 

of the political designs of Roux, in account of Roux, who had lately 

whose schemes the design against come to London on a secret and 

the exiled Regicides filled only a very dangerous mission. ' Ce scelerat se 

subordinate place. Claude Roux, nomme Roux, age de 45 ans, ayant 

Sieur de Marcilly, was born near les cheveux noirs, le visage assez 



4io 



Roiix de Marcilly. 



1668 had lived for some time in the Palatinate under mean 
circumstances ; but putting himself into the armies of the 
King of France, he in a short time by plunder and rapine 
had accumulated great riches. Between these two it was 
concerted, that Colonel Weiss, a Senator of Bern, whom 
I have had occasion to mention before, being at Geneva, 
by order of their Excellencies, for adjusting some matters 
in difference between that Republick and the Duke of 
Savoy, should, after he had dispatch'd his affairs, be 



long et assez plein, plutot grand et 
gros que petit et menu, de mechanic 
physionomie, la mine patibulaire 
s'il en fut jamais. II est huguenot 
et natif de quatre ou cinq lieues de 
Nismes. II a une maison, a ce qu'il 
dit, a six lieues d'Orleans, nominee 
Marcilly. II dit qu'il a servi en 
Catalogne, qu'il a beaucoup de 
blessures, qu'il a servi les gens des 
Vallees du Piemont lorsqu'ils prirent 
les armes centre M. le due de Savoie ; 
que V. M. le connoit bien, qu'il a eu 
avec elle plusieurs entretiens secrets 
et que, dans le dernier, elle lui 
a conseille de ne plus se meler de 
tant d'affaires ; qu'il est au desespoir; 
que V. M. lui doit 80,000 ecus qu'il 
a avances, etant entre dans un parti 
dans la generalite de Soissons ; 
qu'il est fort connu de M. le prince, 
et qu'il n'y a que lui nommer son 
nom. C'est un grand parleur, et il 
ne manque point de vivacite.' 

Roux, according to his own 
account, had been sent to London by 
a committee of ten persons, catholics 
and protestants, of whom Colonel 
Balthazar and the Count of Dohna 
were two. The aim of this committee, 
of which he had been for six years 
the most active agent, was to set 
a limit to the ambition of Louis XIV, 
by forming a coalition against France, 
and provoking a revolt amongst the 
protestants of the southern provinces, 
which were described as ' si mal- 



traitees qu'elles etoient re'solues de 
se revolter et de se mettre en re- 
publique.' He also said that an 
insurrection was about to break out, 
and hinted at the assassination of 
Louis XIV. ' Un coup bien appuye 
mettroit tout le monde en repos.' 
He confided these designs to Sir 
Samuel Moreland, whom he had 
known in Cromwell's time, when 
Moreland had been employed on 
behalf of the Vaudois, but Moreland 
who was now in French pay, at once 
informed the French government. 
According to a rumour circulated in 
England, the Duke of York not only 
informed the French ambassador of 
the gentleman's errand, but placed 
him behind the hangings to hear 
what Roux had to propose. The 
story is probably a baseless fiction, 
and equally unlikely is the story that 
Roux was employed by the English 
government to invite the Protestant 
Cantons to join the Triple Alliance. 
(The Secret History of the Reigns of 
King Charles II and King James II, 
1690, pp. 41, 58). When Roux was 
executed Arlington wrote to Temple, 
'all he was trusted with from hence 
was, his own undertaking and 
unaskt offers of getting the Regicides 
sent out of Switzerland, he affirm- 
ing he had credit to effect it, though 
the event showed the contrary.' 
Arlington's Letters to Temple, ed. 
Bebington, 1701, p. 409. 



His overtures to Col. Weiss. 411 

invited to the house of Colonel Balthazar. Which being 1668 
accordingly done, Roux was introduc'd into his company, 
and after some discourse inform'd him, that the King of 
England was desirous to entertain a more particular 
correspondence with the Protestant Cantons, and especially 
that of Bern, than he had done for the time past, if on their 
part they would make him the compliment to desire it by 
an agent to be sent into England on that account, and 
preliminary to this treaty, would withdraw their protection 
from those who had contributed to the death of his father, 
expressing himself amaz'd that their Excellencies should 
favour those whom France and the Low-Countries had 
deliver'd up, and all other nations had abandon'd. An 
account of this business being sent to Bern, was imparted 
by Mr. Treasurer Steiger, to our true friend Mr. John 
Henry Humelius, with advice to inform me forthwith of 
what was doing. In the mean time, Roux made it his 
business wheresoever he came, to endeavour by aspersions 
to render us odious, and to Justine those who had kill'd 
Mr. Lisle at Lausanna, affirming they had been most 
liberally rewarded both in England and France, and that 
the King of England wanted not means to gratifie all 
those who should do him service. Of this I had certain 
and speedy information by divers persons, who at several 
times had heard these and the like discourses from Roux ; 
which I may not let pass without observing, that what he 
said concerning those who murder'd Mr. Lisle was so far 
from being true, that one of them died not long after he 
had committed that villany, in extream want, at a mean 
lodging in Westminster : and the other, tho' advanc'd to be 
a captain in France, complain'd of the ingratitude of those 
who had employ'd them, protesting they had never receiv'd 
any other reward than three hundred pistoles from the 
Dutchess of Orleans, of which two hundred had been spent 
in laying the design, and waiting an occasion of putting it 
in execution. 

Roux having inform'd himself as well as he could of 
things in these parts, address'd himself to some of the 



412 The pretended mission of Rozix. 

1668 government of Zurich, pretending to be sent from the King 
of England with a commission to propose that the four 
Jan. 26. Protestant Cantons would enter into the alliance lately made 
by the King of England, the States of Holland, and the 
Crown of Sweden, for securing the peace between the Kings 
of Spain and France. Which proposition being com- 
municated to the Council, they having been inform'd 
concerning the pretended agent, and the condition annex'd 
to his business, that their Excellencies of Bern should 
abandon the English, refus'd him audience under pretext 
that he had not any letters of credence, which he would 
have perswaded them he had left at a place in Burgundy 
call'd St. Claud. Having met with this cold reception at 
Zurich, he resolv'd to make tryal of the government of 
Bern ; and accordingly procur'd one of their number to 
acquaint them with his propositions ; but they us'd him 
more roughly, and order'd the person he had engag'd to 
inform them of his business, to let him know, that they 
approv'd neither of his person nor of his propositions, and 
that he might return by the same way he came. Yet 
all this was not enough to check the impudence of this 
fellow. For upon the return of Colonel Weiss from Geneva, 
(who had left the differences between that state and the 
Duke of Savoy in a fair way of accommodation) he attack'd 
him again, in hopes by his means to procure some interest 
at Bern ; protesting that the King of England had a great 
desire to enter into a more particular alliance with that 
Canton than any other, provided they would deliver those 
who had adjudg'd his father to death into his hands, or at 
least withdraw the protection they had granted to them, 
tempting him with assurances, that whoever should carry 
the news of their concurrence to the King, should receive 
fifty thousand crowns for a gratuity. To which the Colonel 
made answer with more than ordinary indignation, that he 
could not think of the proposition without horrour ; that it 
was derogatory to the honour of their Excellencies, and that 
it was not the custom of the Swiss to betray those who had 
put themselves under their protection. This attempt was 



Charles II and the Swiss. 413 

seconded by a letter pretended to be written from the 1668 
Court of England, by one who would be thought a great 
friend to the Swiss interest, dated in August 1668, and 
address'd to one of the Syndics of Geneva, in order to be 
communicated to the governors of Bern. Having obtain'd 
a sight of this paper, I found in it the following words : 

' You are desir'd to give immediate notice to the Lords of 
Bern, that their enemies have endeavour'd to perswade his 
Majesty, that they have neither the respect nor affection 
for his person, that he might justly expect from them ; 
that they have not only taken the murderers of the late 
King into their protection, but have publickly honoured 
them with extraordinary favours. This report I have 
endeavour'd to discredit, even in the presence of the person 
who kill'd Mr. Lisle at Lausanna, assuring his Majesty, 
that if any such persons were within the territories of Bern, 
the government was not inform'd of their crimes ; and that 
I firmly believ'd, if his Majesty should desire it, they would 
not only banish them, but deliver them up,as the Hollanders 
had done, to receive the just punishment of so horrible 
a crime.' 

Upon this letter, and other artifices us'd by our enemies, 
Colonel Balthazar openly gave out, that this would be the 
last year of our residence at Vevay ; but their Excellencies 
of Bern having perus'd the letter, and finding no name 
subscrib'd, concluded it to be written by some mercenary 
fellow, who had been hirM to that purpose ; and some of 
them did us the favour to promise that they would 
endeavour to find out the authors of the contrivance. 
Colonel Weiss also sent to inform me of the late conver- 
sation he had with Roux, and to assure us, that tho' he had 
been deluded into a good opinion of him, by the false 
pretences of Balthazar ; yet being sufficiently convinc'd of 
his mistake, he should be always ready to serve us to the 
utmost of his power, and would answer that General 
D'Erlach should also do the same, with as many of the 
Senate as he could make to be our friends. These 
assurances were accompany'd with a message from the 



414 Treasurer Steiger visits Ludlow. 

1668 Advoyer, by one Captain Bartholomeo Turene, who had 
been an active officer in the defence of his country-men of 
the Vallies of Piedmont, against the tyranny of the Duke of 
Savoy. The contents of this message were to let us know, 
that tho' we might have some enemies, yet we had many 
more friends at Bern ; promising to continue his care of us, 
and to do his best to defeat the designs of our enemies *. 

About the same time, Mr. Treasurer Steiger coming to 
Vevay about the publick affairs, made us another visit, and 
did us the honour to dine at our quarters, accompany'd by 
the Bailiff of the town, and other principal persons of the 
country. In this conversation he inform'd us, that when 
application was made to their Excellencies, that they would 
appoint some persons to treat with Roux, or at least give 
him an audience, he had taken the liberty to say in the 
Council, that tho' there were no ground to suspect him of ill 
designs, as there was but too much, and that the King of 
England should send to them with all the ceremony and 
forms requisite to desire them to withdraw their protection 
from us, he could never prevail with himself to give his 
consent to such a resolution ; because the protection having 
been granted after serious deliberation, and the English 
gentlemen having done nothing tqi forfeit their Excellencies' 
favour, it ought in his opinion to be esteem'd sacred. He 
told us, that the person who had mov'd the Council to take 
Roux's business into consideration, had been publickly 
reprimanded for his forwardness in that matter ; and that 
their Excellencies had refus'd to receive an agent from the 
King of England to reside among them, returning for 
answer, that they had no business with that King for the 
present ; but if at any time they should have affairs to treat 
with him, they would address themselves by their own 
ministers. 

Roux having met with the repulses above mention'd, and 
receiving information from the Bailiff of Nyon, that Monsieur 

1 An attempt was evidently made regard to Swiss Protestantism. See 
to render the exiles odious by draw- Appendix, p. 496. 
ing attention to their attitude with 



The movements of Roux. 415 

Gabriel de Diesbach, at that time Bailiff of the jurisdiction 1668 
of Vevay, had threatned to treat him according to his 
merits if he should presume to come within his power, 
retir'd to St. Claud, in the Free-County of Burgundy; 
having made great complaints of the usage he had receiv'd 
at Bern and Zurich ; boasting of his correspondencies with 
the ministers of Sweden and Holland, as well as of his 
present employment from the King of England, and shew- 
ing letters from Don Diego de Castel-Rodrigo, governor 
of Flanders, to the governor of the County of Burgundy, 
desiring him to furnish mony and whatever might be 
necessary to his undertaking. From hence he went to 
Geneva, and was there seen frequently in the company of 
a certain stranger, who, by the description we receiv'd of 
his person, we found to be the same that had been for some 
time at Lyons, and of whom I had an account by the Swiss 
merchant of Friburg. After a short stay at Geneva, he 
returned to St. Claud, and appearing in better equipage 
than he had formerly done, he sent one of his companions 
to the Bailiff of Nyon to inform him, that having receiv'd 
fresh instructions from the King of England, he had 
propositions to make to their Excellencies of Bern, which 
would be of great advantage to their Republick, particularly 
in the way of trade ; desiring leave to be admitted to 
impart the heads of his negotiation to him. The Bailiff 
who had been sufficiently inform'd touching his person and 
designs, soon dismiss'd his messenger with this answer, 
that being abundantly satisfy'd his principal errant was to 
attempt something against those English gentlemen, whom 
their Excellencies had taken into their protection, and were 
resolv'd to defend, he would have nothing to do with him. 
But this proving not sufficient to oblige him to desist, he 
sent his messenger a second time to the Bailiff, to propose 
that he would surrender himself into the hands of the 
government of Bern, for caution that he intended no 
mischief to our persons ; but indeed confess'd, that being 
charg'd by the King of England with propositions to those 
of Bern, tending highly to their advantage, he should not 



4i 6 Louis XIV orders Roux to be seized. 

1668 consult the honour of his master, by treating with them, 
whilst his most dangerous and avow'd enemies were openly 
protected in their territories. Which being in effect the 
same with what he had said before, the Bailiff contented 
himself to return the same answer, and immediately 
dispatch'd his son-in-law to give me notice of what had 
pass'd, and to advise me, tho' there seem'd to be little 
probability of his daring to attempt us openly, and that 
Balthazar would not be thought to correspond with him, 
yet that we would be upon our guard against the private 
designs of both. 

In the mean time, Monsieur Mouliere, who was then 
resident for the King of France in Switzerland, having 
receiv'd information from some persons (as I think I have 
reason to believe) that wish'd well to us, that this Roux, 
tho' a native of France, had sollicited the Cantons to enter 
into measures prejudicial to that King's interest, he presently 
dispatch'd advice of what he had heard to the Court ; upon 
which orders were given to one Monsieur Martel 1 , who had 
serv'd under the Mareschal Turenne, to surprise and seize 
him. Martel having travers'd the country for some months, 
before he could find an opportunity to compass his design, 
at last fell acquainted with and easily corrupted a priest of 
St. Claud, who was a great confident of Roux, procuring 
him to send a messenger to Balthazar's house, where Roux 
then was, with a letter to invite him to the house of another 
priest at Roussaire, on the frontier of Burgundy, where he 
promis'd a great regale should be provided for his enter- 
tainment. Roux would by no means disappoint his friend the 
priest, and therefore attended only by one servant, and the 
priest's man, he set forward in the morning, that he might 
reach the place of appointment in convenient time. But 
Martel with his party having placed themselves in the way 

1 According to the account given by success, and authorised to bear 

Haag, the persons who seized Roux a golden fleur de lys in his arms, 

were Pierre de Mazel and his brother. The seizure of Roux took place on 

and three other French officers assisted May 12, 1669; La France Pro- 

by three soldiers of Mazel's company. testante, ix. 60. 
Mazel was made a chevalier for his 



How Roux was kidnapped. 417 

by which he was to pass, as soon as he saw him approaching, 1669 
rode up to him and seized him. Roux his servant made his Ma y 2 - 
escape and left his master to shift for himself. But the priest's 
man who was ignorant of the design, supposing them to be 
robbers, made what resistance he could, and received a shot in 
the shoulder of which he died in a few days at Nyon l . Roux 
being thus seized, Martel order'd his hands to be tied to the 
pommel of the saddle, and his feet under the horse's belly, 
and in this posture carried him off. As they passed by the 
Abbey of Beaumont, which is situated within the territories 
of Bern, he began to call for aid, but a handkerchief being 
presently put into his mouth, his voice was not heard. In 
three days they arrived at Lyons, and secured their prisoner 
in the castle of Pierre en Seize, where after he had remained 
some days, he was transported to Paris, and imprisoned in 
the Bastille. 

For this service the King of France rewarded Monsieur 
Martel with a thousand pistoles in mony, and a promise of 
the first company that should be vacant in his guards. 
The second person in this party received six hundred 
pistoles, and a promise of a foot company. The rest had 
fifty pistoles a man, and assurances of preferment according 
to their capacity. During the confinement of Roux, 
Monsieur de Lyonne, Secretary of State, went frequently 
to him in the prison ; but tho' it had been reported that he 
had contributed much to the making of the league called 
The Triple Alliance, yet he could draw nothing from him 
concerning any negotiations in which, 'twas said, he had 
been concerned. Only he told him, that he had things of 
great importance to discover, which he resolved not to 
communicate to any person but the King. In the mean 
time despairing of life, and dreading the punishment of the 
wheel with which he had been threatned, he gave himself 
a wound in the small guts with a knife he had procured 

1 See the order of the Council at abridged in the English translation, 

Bern to the Bailiff of Nyon express- is printed by Professor Stern in 

ing their great displeasure at this the Anzeiger fur Schweizerische 

act. Life of Thomas Hollis, p. 631. Geschichte, 1874, P- 86. 
The original, which is considerably 

VOL. II. E e 



4 1 8 The execution of Roux. 



1669 from one of his keepers ; hoping by that means and an 
obstinate refraining from eating, he might put an end to 
his fears. On the 2ist of June finding himself very weak, 
and as he thought almost ready to expire, he sent to 
acquaint Monsieur de Lyonne with his condition, and to 
let him know that he had hesitated too long. Upon this 
the Secretary went immediately to the King, and having 
informed him of the message he had receiv'd from Roux, 
the King sent one of his phisitians to him; who returning 
with all possible expedition, and representing the danger 
he was in, a letter was immediately drawn by Monsieur 
Colbert, signed by the King, and directed to the Lieutenant- 
Criminal to proceed without delay to his trial. Being 
brought before his judges, the witnesses deposed, that he 
had said, there were thirty Ravaillacs in France, which the 
King should find before the next August ; with other 
things tending to prove that he had engaged in designs 
against the King's person. But he denied all, and refused, 
as before, to make any discovery of the things he knew, 
unless to the King himself. He was condemned upon the 
evidence to be broken alive on the wheel, and afterwards 
to be thrown into the common shore for endeavouring to 
kill himself in the prison ; which sentence was order'd to be 
put in execution at the end of the Pont Neuf ; but by 
reason of his weakness it was performed before the prison 
of the Chastellette, whither he had been removed from the 
Bastille l . This Roux alias Font-covert, and St. Marcelle, 
was a native of Nismes in the province of Languedoc, and 
had been a spy for the Court in the time of Cardinal 
Mazarin ; for which service he had been rewarded with 
a patent for licensing stage-coaches and other publick 
carriages in the said province. But the Cardinal upon some 
information having suppress'd that 'grant, and remov'd his 
brother from another employment, he became so discon- 
tented, that he quitted the kingdom, and procur'd himself 
to be naturaliz'd in Holland. During his imprisonment, 

1 An account of the execution of scaffold is given by Haag, La France 
Roux and of his behaviour on the Protestante, voL ix. 



Another plot against the exiles. 419 

Spain, Holland and Switzerland demanded him of the 1669 
King of France ; the first, because he was employ'd in their 
service ; the Hollander for the same reason, and on account 
of his naturalization ; the Swiss, only to lay claim to their 
right, he having been seized within their jurisdiction. But 
the Court of England was by this time become so intirely 
French, that they said not one word in his behalf. 

Our friends at Bern, according to their accustomed 
vigilance, gave us notice that a certain Englishman going 
by the name of Thomas Schugar, had applied himself to 
some of the magistrates, to procure them to recommend 
him to teach the mathematicks in that place, pretending to 
have been converted first from Popery to Lutheranism, 
and then from that to Calvinism, acknowledging that he 
had been a priest and a servant to the Queen-mother of 
England, and that he had been in arms for the late King 
to the year 1646, at which time, upon the dissipation of 
that party, he had transported himself beyond the seas, and 
continued abroad till the year 1660. They described him 
to be of low stature, ill looks, speaking seven or eight 
languages, and that he was very inquisitive after the English 
gentlemen, who had put themselves under their Excellencies 
protection. This person, under pretext that he could find 
no employment at Bern, came to Vevay, and used all 
means possible to become acquainted with some of our 
company, denying to them that he had ever been either 
a papist, priest, or servant to the Queen-mother. But being 
told that we had too good information from Bern to doubt 
of that matter, he finding himself suspected, and therefore 
not likely to succeed in his designs, departed from Vevay 
the next morning after this discourse. We understood 
afterwards, that passing by Ausburg he had been entertained 
for eight or ten days at the house of Mr. Oliver St. Johns, 
who had been formerly Chief Justice of the Common Pleas 
in England, and that having gotten the name of the person 
by whose means he received his letters, he had procured his 
correspondence to be interrupted ; which caused us to 
suspect that he had found means to serve us in the like 

E e 2 



420 The death of Henrietta Maria. 

1669 manner, our intercourse with England being for some 
months wholly cut off 'till we had taken new measures to 
renew it *. 

About this time Henrietta Maria, Queen-mother of 
England and aunt to the present King of France, having 
been formerly an active instrument in contriving and 
fomenting the long and bloody civil war in England, and 
encouraging the barbarous massacre of the Protestants in 
Ireland ; and more lately from a spirit of revenge and 
malice, a principal adviser of the cruelties acted in England 
Sept. 10. upon the alteration of the government, died at Paris. Her 
distemper at first seem'd not to be dangerous, but upon 
taking something prescrib'd by the physicians to procure 
sleep, the potion operated in such a manner that she wak'd 
no more. She receiv'd threescore thousand pounds yearly 
from England, and yet left many and great debts unpay'd. 
She was our particular enemy, and had constantly favour'd 
the designs that had been carry'd on against our lives. 

The Parliament in England having been prorogu'd for 
about eighteen months, met on the 2oth of October, and 
the House of Commons being sent for to the Lords House, 
after the King had acquainted them with his joy to see 
them again after so long absence, he desir'd they would 
consider his debts, and exhorted both Houses to union. 
Which last admonition was thought to arise from a pamphlet 
that had been publish'd by the Lord Hollis, touching the 
case of one Mr. Skynner a merchant of London, against 
the East-India Company, in which discourse he seem'd to 
out-do the highest of all those who had ever written for the 
privileges of the Lords. This was a strange reverse of the 
medal ; especially to those, who knew, that when he was 
a member of the House of Commons, he had so far despis'd 

1 St. John seems to have gone Oliver St. John returned within a 

abroad in Nov. 1662 ; after concealing certain time a writ of Privy Seal 

himself for a time in Sussex, he should be issued to command his 

sailed on a French ship for Havre. return. This was ostensibly done 

Cal. S. P., Dom., 1661-2, p. 567; ib. on account of a law-suit about a will. 

1663-4, p. 144. On July 10, 1667, Cal. S. P., Dom., 1667, p. 282. 
a declaration was made that unless 



French designs against Holland. 421 

the privileges of the Lords, that at a conference between the 1669 
two Houses, in which the Lords shew'd themselves unwilling 
to comply with the Commons, he had openly said, that if 
they persisted to refuse their concurrence, the Commons 
would do the thing in dispute without them. However, one 
of the members of the House of Commons answer'd Hollis's 
pamphlet with such force and sharpness, that upon debate 
they came to three resolutions to this effect : that divers 
things affirm'd in his book were false and scandalous : that 
from this time the Lords shall never originally intermeddle 
with the cause of any commoner : and that what the Lords 
have done in the business of Mr. Skynner shall be razed out 
of their books. These votes being carry'd to the Lords for 
their approbation, they return'd for answer, that they 
would shortly send them a bill touching this matter. 

The King of France having resolv'd to visit his late 1670 
acquisitions in the Low-Countries, put himself at the head 
of a great body of troops to that purpose ; of which the 
States of Holland having receiv'd information, and that 
the Dutchess of Orleans would accompany the King to 
the sea-coast, and then pass over to meet her brother at May 1670. 
Dover, they began not only to dislike the personal neigh- 
bourhood of the King of France, but vehemently to 
suspect that this interview was design'd to unite the two 
Kings against them 1 . And that they might not be 
wanting to themselves in this conjuncture, they imme- 
diately dispatch'd an ambassador to complement the King 
of France in his progress, and sent the Heer Van Beuningen 
into England, to endeavour to dissipate the clouds that 
threatn'd from that side. The Court of France, who were 
not ignorant of the designs carry'd on by the King of 
England, to subvert the laws and liberties of the English 
nation ; and well understood how much the establishment 
of an arbitrary power in the Crown would contribute to 
weaken that force which had been so formidable under 
a free government, had instructed the Dutchess of Orleans 
not only to offer mony to her brother, in case the usual 

1 See Ludlow's letter of June 10, 1670, Appendix, p. 502. 



422 The death of the Duchess of Orleans. 

1670 way of supplying his luxury by Parliamentary aids should 
fail, but also to give him assurances of whatever number of 
forces he should judge requisite to render the monarchy 
absolute and uncontroll'd. To these she her self had 
added another argument to be propos'd, no less prevalent 
where it was to be apply'd than the former. For she had 
in her train one Mrs. Queroualle, of a family in Low- 
Britany, who, besides her French education and carriage, 
was young, and had pas'd in France for a great beauty. 
With such baits the monarch was easily taken, and for 
this tinsel ware was contented to barter the affections and 
good of the people, together with the quiet of almost all 
Europe. PufFd up with this success the Dutchess returns 
to Paris, and found such a reception from the King as so 
great services seem'd to deserve. But her husband the 
Duke of Orleans, either upon suspicion of her too great 
familiarity with her brother, or of some other gallantry, to 
which she was not a little inclin'd, did not shew himself so 
well contented with her negotiation. However it was, she 
being at St. Cloud, a palace belonging to the Duke, few 
weeks after her return, having taken a glass of limonade, 
or other cooling liquor, was suddenly seized with such 
violent convulsions that she died at two of the clock the 
June 30. next morning. 

The death of the Dutchess of Orleans being signify'd to 
the King her brother, he at first seem'd to be highly dis- 
satisfy'd with the conduct of her husband, and full of 
suspicion that she had been us'd in a manner not un- 
common among princes. But having resolv'd that nothing 
should disturb the measures lately taken between the two 
Courts, he soon cool'd, and sent the Duke of Buckingham 
with the character of his ambassador to the Court of 
France, in appearance to condole with them for the death 
of the Dutchess, but indeed to confirm the late agreement 
made at Dover, and to concert the methods of pursuing 
their design. The Duke was received with all possible 
demonstrations of esteem and favour. The forces about 
Paris were exercis'd in his presence ; balls and comedies 



Louis XIV seizes Lorraine. 423 

were prepar'd to divert him ; the King gave him divers rich 1670 
presents, and made a publick feast on the day of St. Louis 
principally on his account. Soon after his arrival, things 
began to proceed vigorously. A great sum of mony 
was sent into England ; the French army was order'd to 
break up, and to march towards the new conquests ; 
draught-horses were bought, and dispatch'd to them with 
all expedition, and no man doubted any longer either of 
the league between France and England, or of their inten- 
tions to employ their joint forces against the Common- 
wealth of Holland. The Dutch ambassador at Paris was 
so alarum'd with this news, that he went in great haste to 
Monsieur de Lyonne, and desir'd to be inform'd whether 
the French army were to be employ'd against his masters. 
But the Secretary assur'd him there was no ground for any 
such apprehensions, and that if those troops were us'd in 
an expedition, the storm would fall far enough from their 
territories. And accordingly the Mareschal de Crequi at August. 
the head of about twenty five thousand men enter'd 
Lorrain, seiz'd Nancy, and all the places that lay on his 
way, and was within half an hour of surprizing the Duke 
himself at Espinal. The French King pretended for the 
reason of this sudden invasion, that the Duke of Lorrain 
had, contrary to a late treaty, fortify'd some of his own 
towns, and had endeavour'd in a clandestin manner to be 
admitted into the Triple Alliance ; declaring that he in- 
tended not to retain the dutchy in his possession, but 
designed to put it into the hands of some other person of 
the Lorrain family who should be more worthy. In the 
mean time the Mareschal de Crequi having driven the 
Duke out of his territories, published an order, forbidding 
his subjects to yield him obedience ; commanding those 
who had been in arms for him, to quit his service, and to 
put themselves into that of the King, and requiring all 
orders of men in that country to do homage and swear 
allegiance to him, under pain of death and confiscation of 
estate. 

The Duke of Lorrain being in this manner dispossess'd 



424 Attempt to seize Cornet Joyce. 

1670 of his dutchy, without any preceeding declaration of war 
on the part of France, fill'd all Europe with his complaints, 
and dispatch'd a minister to the King of England to desire 
his good offices with the French King in this conjuncture, 
which he thought he had no reason to doubt, on account of 
the obligations he had formerly laid upon him, in offering 
to serve him with his person and troops during the time of 
his exile. But instead of the favour expected, his minister 
received no other answer, than that he was sorry for what 
had happened, and that the present violence, like the 
mischiefs of a sudden inundation, must be endured at this 
time. 

The Duke